Another Wonderful Date

One of our first dates was visiting the state’s maximum security prison in Fort Madison, the oldest operating prison west of the Mississippi River.  Actually, we were there because one of Iowa’s best wardens was retiring.  The tour of the prison was the icing on the cake.  We have visited or toured many of Iowa’s correctional facilities since, and we have been invited to tour or visit a few Iowa jails, also. 

Last week, we had the opportunity to spend 2 ½ hours in the Story County Jail.  Again, we were not arrested for a violation of an Iowa or federal law, city or county ordinance, or any other criminal sanction.  We were guests of Story County Sheriff Paul Fitzgerald and his staff.

Sheriff Fitzgerald has a vita that goes on forever.  He and his staff have been innovators of various programs and project.  The first thing he told us as we entered his office was that the Story County Sheriff’s Office was going to do something that has never been done before.  He rarely speaks in the first person, most often including his staff in mentioning an idea or accomplishment.  The plan was to expand the jail by twice the size in order to create a program for the mentally ill.  Unfortunately, jail is not where mental health treatment should occur, but what the heck, that’s where they land.

The expansion wouldn’t be dedicated solely to the needs of mentally ill offenders; the pod would also have options for ICE holds (ICE is the Immigration and Customs Enforcement division of Homeland Security) and federal marshal holds, along with something that might be acceptable for juveniles.  The current jail was completed in 2001 as part of an overall improvement in Story County’s Justice Center.  It was designed to add segments of more space in three specific areas of justice and service to citizens as the need arose. 

Currently, the county jail has a mental health professional on hand, and contracts with an out-of-state psychiatrist who sees inmate patients via Skype.  However, Sheriff Fitzgerald’s dream is to have this service expanded and offer telepsychiatry and telemedicine more often to those in need, as well as increasing the mental health professionals on site.

While we appreciate Sheriff Fitzgerald’s proactive response to the social issues of substance abuse and mental illness, a correctional facility is not an appropriate environment for addressing these problems.  As policymakers and stakeholders passively sit around running countless meetings discussing the problem, Fitzgerald is stepping up to actively help people.  Corrections and treatment should be polar opposites.  There is clearly a fairness violation as society continues to expect correctional facilities to meet the needs of the mentally ill and chemically dependent.

We’re grateful to Sheriff Fitzgerald and his staff for a very in-depth tour of the jail, including the kitchen, where Marty was offered two of the best oatmeal butterscotch cookies he had ever tasted.  They’re good, but not good enough to want to taste them on a daily basis.

©  Copyright 2011.  Fawkes-Lee & Ryan

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Fad Legislation

 Several years ago, 2005 to be exact, there was a piece of legislation introduced in the Iowa House of Representatives that would have made it illegal to display “spinning hubcaps” on a moving vehicle.  A subcommittee was convened to actually consider this bill.  Yes, those hubcaps designed to spin when the car stops can be annoying.  But they’re not as annoying as legislation that is introduced (and sometimes enacted) to deal with a fad.

Most legislation prohibiting the use, display, or possession of a fad is synonymous with clothing and drugs.  In 1942, the War Production Board banned the manufacture of zoot suits.  Supposedly, the suits required too much material, which could be used for other things, like parachutes.  Off the record, Americans feared the Latinos and African-Americans who wore them.  The Los Angeles City Council also banned the zoot suits after the Zoot Suit Riots in 1943.    

 It was fear that led to the prohibition of clothing, and it’s fear that becomes the heaviest factor in banning certain designer drugs.  Toward the end of this past Iowa Legislative Session, the Senate agreed with the House to ban a few fad drugs, among them: salvia (salvia divinorum), K2 (Spice), and bath salts.  Fawkes-Lee & Ryan opposed this legislation for several reasons, but the most important reason is the precedents of having the Legislature determine which drugs are to be prohibited and which drugs are safe to use.  This is a function of the Board of Pharmacy and it should be delegated wholly to the BOP.  It’s hard to believe that any legislator today can tell me what this means: 4-methylmethcathinone,(RS)-2-methylamino-l-(4-methylphenyl).

Changing a molecule in most of the designer drugs makes a different substance that may have the same effect as the one that was just banned.  However, because a molecule has been altered, removed, or added, it’s not the same and therefore, most likely, legal.  The Legislature cannot keep up with the task of determining what is harmful, what will go away quietly, and what is innocuous.  Often, banning a product gives it the “forbidden fruit” label, which means that it must be good and worth the trouble of trying it. 

“Banned in Boston” is an outdated slogan that encouraged people elsewhere throughout the country to check it out.  The Puritanical roots of Boston weighed heavily on the local authorities power to prohibit the sale or possession of offensive materials, or the performance of plays that may have contained sexual innuendo or foul language.  In that sense, banning a product often leads to its popularity.

It’s ironic that the recent effort to ban the designer drugs of today (Spice, salvia, etc.) also included removing benzylfentanyl and thenylfentanyl from the Schedule I drugs, meaning that they had no medical usefulness and were subject to potential abuse.  The “DEA determined that these compounds were both essentially inactive, with no evidence of abuse potential. As such, these compounds are no longer schedule I controlled substances and all references to these compounds are being deleted from DEA regulations.” 

 

Zoot Suit

Zoot Suit

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I Vote For The Person

“I vote for the person.”  How many times have you heard that?  How many times have you said it yourself?  Unfortunately, this statement is a thing of the past.  No matter how many times you think you’re voting for the best candidate, you’re probably voting for the best marketer.

 Lately, I’ve read with interest some of the statements and seen some of the antics that are occurring during this pre-caucus season.  For instance, presidential candidate Gary Johnson, a former New Mexico governor, wants to legalize marijuana.  Sounds good to those who literally want to take the high road, but let’s face it, he would have to get Congress to pass legislation before he could approve it.  That’s not realistic.

President Obama offered change, but as you can see, change is hard to come by when you’re acting alone.  You can lead, but you can’t create an action unless you have a willingness of others to go along.  This is where so many people get taken in and believe that they have been deceived by a candidate.  Most often, the candidate has been deceived by the business.

Yes, politics is a business.  And it’s no longer a small business.  The money that is raised to win an election is only the tip of the business plan.  Like a multi-national company, those at the top make all the decisions. So, when you vote for the person, you’re really voting for the message that the people in leadership positions have concluded will be the issue(s) in an election.  Everything else is a marketing message. 

So the next time you think you’re voting for a person with great ideas and ideals, you might want to check to see how true that candidate is to her/his party politics.  In any case, don’t throw your vote away by not voting. 

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Parental Rights and Wrongs

Camreta v. Greene, involves parental rights as seen through the Fourth and Fourteenth Amendments.  Well, sort of.  That’s what the issue was at the district court level.  By the time it arrived in the Supreme Court it was a different matter.  Not only was the matter moot, but there was no case or controversy, a virtual requirement for any court to hear a matter.

Bob Camreta is a child protective services caseworker in central Oregon.  He heard through the rumor mill that a father had been sexually abusing his daughter.  Camreta, along with a county deputy sheriff, went to the elementary school where the 9-year-old girl was enrolled to interview her.  She denied that her father was abusing her, but after persistent questioning from Camreta (the time is disputed, but the court determined it was 2 hours), she finally acquiesced.  The interview occurred at the school without a warrant, probable cause, exigent circumstances, and without the permission of her parents.  Her father was charged eventually, but the charges were dropped after a jury could not come to a verdict.  Her mother filed suit against Camreta and the sheriff’s deputy, James Alford.

The Supreme Court doesn’t get into too many of the details because it focuses on the technical issues of precedent, whether the case is moot, and why it accepted it in the first place.  But the point remains, what the Court did will have an effect on the control of parents over their children when the government decides to get involved.

According to the background facts in the case below, “Camreta thought the school would be a good place for the interview because it is a place where children feel safe and would allow him ‘to conduct the interview away from the potential influence of suspects, including parents.’”  What didn’t occur to Camreta is that when you remove children from a classroom the other students want to know why. It’s embarrassing, it’s noticeable, and it causes emotional turmoil without the added pressure of being interviewed for two hours.

“Throughout the interview Camreta was accompanied by Deputy Sheriff Alford.”  Alford never participated in the interview and remained silent throughout the entire two hours.  His uniform included a visible firearm.  You have to wonder why he was there.  The facts in the case never reveal an answer to that question.  It’s bad enough to have your children interviewed by an unknown government representative who is asking questions about you as a parent, but to have a law enforcement officer present gives an added sense of danger, fear, and intimidation.  It’s evident in the remaining facts.

“Upon arriving at the school, Camreta told school officials that he and Alford were there to interview [the child] and requested use of a private office. Terry Friesen, a counselor at the elementary school, visited [the child] in her classroom and told the child that someone was there to talk with her. Friesen took [the girl] to the room where Camreta and Alford were waiting and left.”  Later, when telling her mother of the incident, the child “stated that she was “scared” when Friesen left her with Camreta and Alford, although she did not ask to call home, did not ask to have Friesen or her parents with her, and did not cry.”

Parents have a right to know about the qualifications of a teacher in a public school; they have a right to know about how a physician is treating their children; and they have a right to be informed by law enforcement if the child has allegedly committed a delinquent act.  Surely, parents have the right to be notified that a government official is talking to your child – about YOU!  But that’s not the way it is, according to the recent decision.

The federal district court granted summary judgment to Camreta and Alford as it pertained to the girl’s Fourth Amendment claims (the mother sued on behalf of her child).  The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed the district court’s summary judgment on the basis of the qualified immunity.  Here comes the strange part. Camreta and Alford are the prevailing parties to this suit, yet they appealed the Circuit Court’s decision to the United States Supreme Court.  Stranger yet, the SCOTUS granted certiorari (a writ whereby the High Court accepts to hear a case from a court below).

It’s unheard of for the winner in a lawsuit to appeal.  However, it has happened, as the Court pointed out in two cases.  But the successful parties who appealed in those two cases were appealing the judgments.  As Justice Kennedy explained in his dissent, a party may have been asking for $1,000 in damages and received only $500.  That can be appealed.  But in this case, the prevailing party is appealing what is known as dicta.  Dicta (the plural), or dictum, is not legally binding.  It’s just a writer’s (judge or justice) reasoning or editorializing.  Nonetheless, this is what got a few justices’ ire up.

The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals did exactly what it was supposed to do, and the SCOTUS agreed.  So why did it have to hear the moot case to decide that it didn’t like what the 9th Circuit did?  It’s not a case that is going to be plastered all over every daily newspaper in the county, but it’s so strange that even the strange Justice Antonin Scalia concurred in the opinion of the majority by saying: “I join the Court’s opinion, which reasonably applies our precedents, strange though they may be.”

In its opinion, the 9th Circuit didn’t stop at granting qualified immunity, it provided dictum that “government officials investigating allegations of child abuse should cease operating on the assumption that a “special need” automatically justifies dispensing with traditional Fourth Amendment protections” as it did in this case.

So, what does this mean?  I’m not an attorney, a law professor, or a government teacher, but I think it means that the Court wanted to take away the 9th Circuit’s hand-slapping it did to government officials who try to push the envelope right up to the ledge of qualified immunity.  Government officials can step over that edge, and they have.  In this case they didn’t.  The United States Supreme Court wanted to make sure that the finger pointing was taken away.  It’s sort of like a judge saying “the jury will disregard that comment.”

Meanwhile, Camreta will continue to improperly interview children.  Alford no longer works for the DeShultes County Sheriff’s Department.

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Criminal Courtesy

Last week, a deputy sheriff in Linn County was given citations for leaving the scene of an accident and failing to stop within the assured clear distance.  He wasn’t driving a patrol car; he was off duty at the time and was driving his Ford pickup truck.

Deputy James Crawford allegedly rear-ended a motorcycle at an intersection.  No one was hurt, but Crawford was gone when Marion police arrived at the scene.  Crawford is on paid administrative leave pending an “internal investigation”.  According to news accounts, the incident occurred at 6:45 p.m.  However, Crawford waited until later that evening to bring himself in to the Marion City police and face the consequences.

This suspicious behavior leaves some unanswered questions.  A law enforcement officer knows that leaving the scene of an accident is a crime.  It’s a simple misdemeanor, but it’s still a crime.  Was the deputy intoxicated?  What other reason could explain this odd conduct?

But what is stranger is the reaction of the Marion Chief of Police, Harry Daugherty.  Daugherty refused to comment because he said it would “taint Sheriff Brian Gardner’s internal investigation, because only a few people know the truth.”  Huh?  Sheriff Gardner is acting suspicious himself.  He said that it’s an “ongoing personnel matter”.  No, he’s incorrect.  It’s a criminal matter and should be treated as such.  Especially since Daugherty admitted that there is “some professional courtesy going on,” and that most of this “stuff would (normally) be released, but when it’s internal, it gets a little sticky.”  Really?

Fawkes-Lee & Ryan support civilian review boards (a.k.a. police review boards and a few other monikers).  When law enforcement officers act like this they don’t provide a lot of good argument for opposing review boards.  This is downright blatant.

Perhaps the time has come to make an exception to the exceptions in the public records statute, Chapter 22.  When a criminal matter (or potential criminal matter) and a personnel matter clash, the public should have the information available.  How can citizens take public safety seriously when a wink and nod supersedes the ethical behavior of those we rely upon to keep dangerous people off the roads?

© Copyright 2011. Fawkes-Lee & Ryan

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Keep Your Fingerprints Off My Ice Cream

This week the Iowa House of Representatives passed a bill that would allow owners of ice cream trucks to conduct background checks on their potential employees.  The bill passed 96-0.

House File 696 is a legislative measure that began with an Iowa-based company that owns and manages a fleet of ice cream trucks in eastern Iowa.  The company wants to run federal background checks on potential employees, but the federal government prohibits fingerprint checks unless the state has included the specific occupation as one in which employers are able to receive the information from a single contact repository.  Under the proposed law, ice cream truck drivers could be equated to certain employees of a homemaker, home-health aide, home care aide, adult day services, or other provider of in-home services; particular employees of a hospice, many employees who provide direct services to consumers under a federal home and community-based services waiver; certain employees of an elder group home; and some employees of an assisted living program  The information received by the business accessing the single contact repository includes information relating to the following: Iowa criminal history, the sex offender registry, the child abuse registry, and the dependent adult abuse.

Fawkes-Lee & Ryan opposes House File 696 because it offers a false sense of security to parents and society.  The practice of relying upon background checks may have an adverse effect.  A background check on a potential employee or current employee should not be a substitute for parents paying attention to their children, and that is what this bill suggests.  It breeds complacency.

Like many laws that have been created in the past 10 to 20 years providing for background checks, it fails to identify first-time abusers.  But there are other reasons why this legislative proposal is terribly flawed.

HF 696 does not require a background check; it only provides that a business owner, vendor, contractor, etc. “may” require an employee to undergo such a process.  An owner/operator does not need to comply with the provisions of the law, and most vendors throughout Iowa will not.  One major flaw in this measure is the question of who pays for this background check.  The language is unclear.  There should be some indication of who pays the costs of the background check, and the burden should be on the hiring party.  Having to pay for a background check on yourself is adding insult to injury, especially if the rate of pay is minimum wage.  Really, how many people are willing to go through this intimidating process for the sake of a temporary, seasonal, minimum wage job?  If this is the best Iowa can do with creating jobs, we’re in bad economic shape.

Another fear that this legislation carries is that the ‘may’ could easily and eventually become a ‘shall’.  At that time it becomes another burdensome and needless regulation of government for small businesses in this state.

But equally important, the bill has nothing to do with government oversight, the committee from which it came.  Already, there are abuses of bills coming from the House Legislative Oversight Committee that should have been dealt with in more appropriate committees.  The practice of moving unrelated bills out of Government Oversight is a terrible precedent in Iowa’s legislative process.  If this practice grows to become another detour around the funnel deadlines, it will be abused heavily by certain special interests that fear taking a bill through the regular stages.

HF 696 is expected to die in the Senate.  We hope it does!

© Copyright 2011  Fawkes-Lee & Ryan.  All rights reserved.

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