The rest of the story

Posted on February 14, 2026 by Marty Ryan

Almost any curmudgeon from the previous century has heard Paul Harvey say, “And now you know — the rest of the story.” Let’s hear the rest of the story.

State Republican representatives are flaunting an initiative this year with a serious “tough on crime” agenda. Three Republican legislators have introduced three bills that 1) provide a mandatory minimum 20-year prison sentence without parole for a person convicted of multiple specific crimes (HSB 666); 2) “a bill (HSB 641) that would make it harder to be released on bail,” and 3) a bill requiring “the state court administrator to annually collect and publish information about how individual judges handle criminal cases.”  (HSB 631)

According to Rep. Steven Holt (R-Denison), the need for HSB 666 is based upon “a bill that is now sweeping the nation and began in North Carolina, called “Iryna’s Bill.”” Rep. Holt stated that he is sick and tired of dangerous criminals being convicted of violent crimes and being released back into society after serving short sentences in prison.

The rest of the story begins with Iryna Zarutska, who was stabbed to death by DeCarlos Brown, Jr., while riding a late-night Blue Line light rail train in Charlotte, NC. Brown was sitting in the seat behind her as she held her phone in her hand. He stabbed her three times and she died within a minute. Would a law like the one Holt introduced prevent this from happening? Probably not.

Brown had a history of mental illness longer than his criminal record. He had been “struggling in recent years” with a diagnosis of schizophrenia and suffered hallucinations and paranoia.” He claimed the government had planted a chip in him, and he also believed Iryna was reading his mind.

Records indicate that Brown has been arrested in at least fourteen cases in less than a decade. Mecklenburg County (Charlotte), North Carolina where this incident occurred, uses pretrial risk assessments prior to sentencing in order to “help determine the likelihood of a defendant failing to appear in court or reoffending while on release.” Iowa enacted risk assessments as a “tool” several years ago. It goes to show that analysis used to predict the future are inaccurate. What is needed is a thorough follow-up after incarceration to make sure former inmates are continuing with the medication they were taking while imprisoned. Many times, a former inmate will revert back to self-medicating for various reasons: booze is cheaper than medication; booze and drugs are more readily available; and drugs and liquor are more familiar to the addict – a user understands the side effects.

Iowa has a law that has been gutted over the past many sessions: Minority Impact Statements. A minority impact statement is a significant portion of a fiscal note prepared by the Fiscal Division of the nonpartisan Iowa Legislative Services Agency.  In cooperation with the Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning of the Department of Human Rights, the Fiscal Division analyzes legislation to determine if the legislation will have any impact on minorities (negative or positive).

Already, Iowa uses mandatory minimum sentencing for forcible felonies and requires risk assessments in pre-sentencing investigations. Mandatory minimum legislation was developed in the 1990s, and every bill establishing a mandatory minimum had a racial impact statement attached. The minority impact statement helped reduce the percentage of black Iowans in Iowa’s prisons. If this bill (HSB 666) is enacted, the population of black men in prison will be increased, once again.

In 2014, the Sentencing Project cited an Associated Press finding that minority impact statements in Iowa “appear to be having a modest effect.” A review of 61 impact statements issued since 2009 suggests that the policy has been “helping to defeat some legislation that could have exacerbated disparities and providing a smoother path to passage for measures deemed neutral or beneficial to minorities.” https://apnews.com/d320d9fdb9794d71b8b6436b808e0b16

In a United States Supreme Court case from 2017, Buck v. Davis, 580 U.S. 100 (2017), Chief Justice Roberts wrote: “when a jury hears expert testimony that expressly makes a defendant’s race directly pertinent on the question of life or death, the impact of that evidence cannot be measured simply by how much air time it received at trial or how many pages it occupies in the record. Some toxins can be deadly in small doses.” This analogy applies to legislation as well as the courts. Without knowing the consequences of some crimes resulting in incarcerating black men more than other offenders, the small doses become the big overdose.

One legislator said that Fiscal Notes have the ability to be used to shame legislators into opposing otherwise good legislation.  Yes, we agree. And it often depends upon what “otherwise good” means. “Otherwise good” is in the hands of the beholder.

Enhancing penalties is one of the biggest red herrings in the lawmaking business.  It looks like the legislature is doing “something” to prevent crime from occurring, but it does very little to prevent crime.  It places a defendant in prison or jail for a longer period of time. That’s all it can do.

Even an offender with a mental health problem, especially schizophrenia, will be released sometime after twenty years. Maintaining sanity in a correctional setting does not go well after an inmate with mental health issues is released without parole.

Consider these facts:

  • “Iowa is hard to beat if you’re looking for a state with a low crime rate and a high quality of life. When it comes to property crime, which includes burglary and vandalism, the Hawkeye State is among the best 10 states in the nation and its incidence of violent crime is also comparably low.”[1]
  • “Des Moines Police say preliminary data from 2025 shows things are trending in a positive direction when it comes to major crimes.”[2]
  • “Iowa had the 4th-lowest violent crime rate in the region and the 19th-lowest violent crime rate in the country.”[3]
  • “In 2023, the property crime rate in Iowa (1,441 per 100,000 residents) was 25 percent lower than the national average (1,954 per 100,000). Between 2013 and 2023, property crime decreased by 34 percent in Iowa.”[4]
  • “The rates of burglary, larceny, and motor vehicle theft were lower in Iowa than the national average. Burglary decreased by 58 percent, the largest change of any property crime. The next largest change was larceny, which decreased by 32 percent.”[5]
  • “Black people were victims of violent crime 4.5 times more often than their share of the Iowa population.”[6]
  • “Black people were arrested for violent crime 6.6 times more often than their share of the Iowa population.”[7]
  • “Between 2012 and 2022 in Iowa, the prison population serving sentences for violent offenses decreased by 13 percent, while the prison population serving sentences for nonviolent offenses increased by 3 percent.”[8]
  • “Based on a 2019 calculation of operational capacity, a statistic that determines how many prisoners an institution can safely hold, the most overcrowded prisons were concentrated in the Midwest, with Iowa (119 percent), Nebraska (115.4 percent), and Idaho (110.1 percent) the most overcrowded.”[9]On January 31, 2026, the Iowa Correctional system was overcrowded by 23.52%.[10] “Prison overcrowding leads to severe consequences, including inadequate healthcare, increased violence, and heightened mental health issues among inmates. It also hampers rehabilitation efforts and can result in life-threatening conditions due to poor living environments.”
  • In 2011, the Supreme Court case Brown v. Plata[11] held that a court-mandated population limit was necessary to remedy the violation of prisoners’ constitutional rights and was authorized by the PLRA.[12] “The Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP) has set 130% as a long-term goal for population levels in the federal prison system.” Brown, et al. v. Plata, et al., 563 U.S. 493, 540 (2011).
  • “One in five adults or roughly 600,000 Iowans live with some form of mental illness. About 37,000 grapples with serious mental illness daily.”[13]
  • “Arkansas, Mississippi, and Alabama had the least access to care and highest rates of imprisonment.”[14] “Iowa was ranked 51st in the nation for the number of state psychiatric beds, according to the latest report by the Treatment Advocacy Center.”[15]
  • “Iowa’s urban-rural provider disparity underscores the ongoing challenges rural communities face in accessing mental health care. Despite the efforts to improve, the state still lacks an adequate level of mental healthcare to rural communities, directly impacting the lives of many Iowans. Individuals in these rural communities are more likely to experience untreated mental health conditions, which can contribute to higher rates of depression, anxiety, and more. Addressing this gap is essential for breaking cycles of mental health illness and improving the well-being of rural communities.”[16]
  • Violent crime rates
  • (per 100,000 residents)
·       Crime Type ·       Iowa ·       National
Murder ·       2.5 ·       5.7
Aggravated assault ·       213.9 ·       263.7
Robbery ·       22.3 ·       65.4
Rape ·       41.3 ·       38.0
  • Violent crime has been steadily declining overall, down 2.3 percent in the state year over year. Theft, burglary and robbery are all notably lower in Iowa than in the U.S. too. Property crime has increased 8 percent year over year but, overall, it’s 25 percent lower than the national average.

The murder rate is projected to hit its lowest point in a century

  • A new analysis of 2025 crime data from dozens of U.S. cities found across-the-board decreases in violent crime last year compared with 2019, including 13 percent fewer shootings, 29 percent fewer carjackings and 36 percent fewer robberies. The analysis also found that last year will likely register as the lowest national homicide rate since 1900.
  • No one knows for sure why the rate of violence is down, though some criminologists pointed to efforts over the past few years, including hot-spot policing, summer jobs for youth and cognitive behavioral therapy. Polls suggest that even the public has started to believe that there has been improvement, which is unusual in any era.
  • Fewer homicides, more guns seized as Des Moines reviews early 2025 …
  • Jan 3, 2026 Preliminary 2025 data show fewer homicides and assaults in Des Moines, with police also seizing more guns as leaders look ahead to a full annual report.
  • The Global Statistics
  • https://www.theglobalstatistics.com › violent-crime-rate-in-us
  • Violent Crime Rate in US 2025 | Statistics & Facts
  • Violent Crime Rate in America 2025: The landscape of public safety in America has witnessed remarkable transformation throughout 2025, with violent crime rates reaching historic lows not seen in over two decades. According to the latest data from the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
  • From 2024 to 2025, homicide rates fell in 31 of the 35 major cities included in the study, for an average decline of 21 percent.
  • The largest drop in homicide rates came from Denver, Washington, D.C., and Omaha, Neb. — which reported declines of 41 percent, 40 percent and 40 percent, respectively. Another seven cities saw drops of more than 30 percent: Los Angeles, Buffalo, N.Y., Albuquerque, N.M., Long Beach, Calif., Atlanta, Baltimore and Chicago, according to the study.

The Hill, by Sarah Fortinsky – 01/22/26

So, what’s going on? Politics, as usual.

***

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[1] https://www.safehome.org/safest-cities/ia/

[2] https://www.kcci.com/article/fewer-homicides-more-guns-seized-in-des-moines-2025/69905713

[3] Iowa Criminal Justice Data Snapshot January 2025 Version 2.1, updated 01.06.2025, P. 8. https://justicereinvestmentinitiative.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Iowa-Criminal-Justice-Data-Snapshot.pdf

[4] Id. P. 9

[5] Id.

[6] Id. P.13

[7] Id. P. 15

[8] Id. P.21

[9] https://www.ebsco.com/research-starters/law/prison-overcrowding-united-states

[10] https://doc-search.iowa.gov/dailystatistics

[11] https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/563/493/

[12] Prison Litigation Reform Act of 1995 (PLRA). 18 U. S. C. §3626

[13] https://naminorthiowa.org/what-is-mental-illness/facts-figures/

[14] https://namiiowa.org/the-state-of-mental-health-in-america/

[15] https://who13.com/news/iowa-ranks-worst-in-the-nation-for-number-of-state-psychiatric-beds/

[16] https://www.commonsenseinstituteus.org/iowa/research/healthcare/-iowas-healthcare-landscape

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What are you afraid of?

Posted on January 23, 2026 by Marty Ryan

As technology advances, law enforcement agencies seek innovative methods of utilizing newfound technology in the name of public safety. However, any legislative proposal that would change public access to the information acquired through those methods are met with strong opposition.

Twenty years ago, “In dicta from an Iowa Supreme Court decision from 2006, State v. Hajtic, the late Justice Jerry Larson (father of current Chief Justice Susan Christensen), speaking for a unanimous Court stated: ‘We believe electronic recording, particularly videotaping, of custodial interrogations should be encouraged, and we take this opportunity to do so.’”

“Most jurisdictions in the United States now record interrogations, including all federal law enforcement agencies, thirty states, and the District of Columbia.”  But not Iowa. The time for change is in 2026.

The Iowa Bar Association met with many stakeholders in 2009 to discuss the issue of electronically-recorded custodial interrogations. Although most stakeholders “support recording in principle,” concerns about the cost of implementation were expressed by several participants. Today, cost is no longer a legitimate concern.

A former legislator once explained Moore’s Law to me. “Moore’s Law is the observation that the number of transistors on a microchip doubles approximately every two years, leading to increased computing power and decreased costs.”

I recently purchased a mini action dash camera from Menards for only $6.99 plus tax. The camera is not only a windshield mount, but has a clothing clip so that I may wear it like a police officer’s bodycam. It has a high-resolution HD 1080p video with 8 GB card. It comes with audio and has 90 minutes of rechargeable battery life. Also, I get an 11% rebate.

Not only is the cost of recording equipment decreasing, but practically every law enforcement officer in Iowa wears a bodycam. Currently, Iowa has no law regulating the use of body cameras on law enforcement officers. According to a 2025 article by the Iowa Newspaper Association, “Erin Jordan, of The (Cedar Rapids) Gazette, and Jared Strong, of the Carroll Times Herald, found many of the [local] policies were outdated – some still mentioned videotape – and inconsistent. About half did not acknowledge police video as a public record.”

A legislative measure that sets minimum standards for body cameras should be enacted, and it should include the use of bodycams in interviewing suspects in custody. Fancy equipment used by Hollywood directors is not necessary.

Randy Evans, executive director at Iowa of Freedom of Information Council, contends that “police videos regularly are deemed to be open public records.” That could be a factor in the fear that law enforcement, county attorneys and the Iowa Attorney General express in their opposition to supporting the recordings. “What do you have to fear” is a mantra that goes both ways.

Iowa Code section 22.7, subsection 5 is an exception to the Open Records law in which “officers’ investigative reports” and privileged records are exempt from public disclosure “if that information is part of an ongoing investigation.” At the present time, it appears as though investigations in Iowa seem to never cease. Language that makes custodial recordings accessible to defense attorneys should be a requirement for any legislative proposal.

Attempts in the past to amend section 5 of Chapter 22 have been met with strong resistance by a concerted effort of lobbyists representing police, sheriffs, and other agencies such as the Iowa Department of Public Safety and the Iowa Attorney General. For them, opposing any legislation changing the status quo is an affront to their ongoing need to be in control.

The last time a bill was considered that required the video and audio recording of custodial interrogations (House Study Bill 572 in 2014), the bill was intended to be a compromise between advocates and opponents. Unfortunately, the powerful law enforcement community persuaded lawmakers that the bill was a “solution looking for a problem.”

This year, House Republicans are preparing to prioritize a package they label “tough on crime.” Yet, due process does not seem to be a part of their parcel. Including a provision on requiring the video and audio taping of custodial interviews should be seen as a necessary constitutional safeguard.

Government employees, local, state, or federal, have added protection in the form of the federal Bill of Rights.  A government employee is provided due process of law, the right to confront witnesses, and all the other protections usually offered to criminal defendants.  What you may not know, is that in Iowa, anyone with a law enforcement certification is provided with an additional set of protections, such as an “interview of an officer who is the subject of the complaint shall, at a minimum, be audio recorded.”  The “Officer’s Bill of Rights,” which is embedded in section 80F.1 of the Iowa Code, should extend to all Iowans.

This article was previously published in the Prairie Progressive, January 2026.

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“You’re in the wrong place!”

Posted on December 2, 2025 by Marty Ryan

Each year, for a period of about four or five years straight, a group of nine guys from around Denison, Iowa, traveled in a van to Kansas City to watch a Kansas City Royals game on a Saturday afternoon. I was a part of that group. Ray Rosener drove his family’s van, with John Henkelman in the front passenger seat. The others on the trip included Ray’s brother Joe, Tom Henkelman (no immediate relation to John), Lowell Schroeder, John O’Brien, Roger Fineran, one other Farmland Foods packinghouse worker, and me. Ray and his brother were the only two who didn’t work at Farmland.

The tenth seat in Ray’s van was reserved for several coolers full of ice-cold beer. I don’t think Ray drank, but the rest of us sure did. Some began as soon as the van pulled out of the Pla-Mor parking lot. I tried to wait until I could see St. Joe, Missouri, but a sign along the road referring travelers to St. Joseph’s Catholic Church was close enough.

We always had good seats on the lower level between first base and right field. I was not a novice to Royals games, having brought my family with me several times throughout the years. I knew the stadium inside and out – literally. (Our family took a tour of the stadium once when we were in Kansas City to bring the girls to Worlds of Fun and Oceans of Fun.) But if you have ever been to the stadium, you would know that the first level concourse looks the same from end to end. It wasn’t surprising that a beer man camped out next to our row. That led to John Henkelman having to go up the steps to the men’s room. “Wait, John. I’ll go with you.” I yelled. So, John and I go up the stairs, turn right and head down the concourse. I walked over to the entrance of the restroom and John said: “Where are you going?” “In here, of course.” I thought I was heading into the men’s room and he was taking a different entrance.

That’s not what happened. I walked straight into the women’s room. Women were screaming, pulling their pants up, pointing at me, and a nice old black woman told me that “you’re in the wrong place.” There were no partitions between the stools. Embarrassed, I turned and walked out the door, heading up to the men’s room. I made sure I was walking into the men’s room and felt relieved, figuratively and potentially literally. However, John had told every guy in the restroom about what I did. Every man in the place (and probably a few young boys) began laughing at me overwhelmingly. It was difficult to go. But eventually, I did.

John left me, and when I finished, I headed back down to our seats. By then, everyone in our group, the rows in front of us and behind us, and the beer man all knew. I’m not sure the right fielder wasn’t in on it. It could have been on the public address system. On the Monday after the game, half the employees in the packinghouse heard the story.

But it was a great game. Willie Wilson led off the bottom of the first inning with an inside-the-park home run. It was the only run of the game, as Dennis Leonard pitched a shutout of the Boston Red Sox. When we got to the van in the parking lot, it began to rain. And pour, it did.

One of our traditions was to stop at a smorgasbord restaurant in St. Joseph on the way home. The all-you-can-eat buffet proudly bragged about forty different salads (Jell-O included). There was roast beef, chicken, barbeque pork ribs, ham, meatloaf, and more. The dessert bar was not as loaded, but this group visited it, as well. Joe and I were the only ones that weighed less than two-hundred pounds. Most were probably over 250. Lowell was easily over 300 pounds and close to 400. On our last trip, the restaurant was closed. Is it any wonder?

On the last trip, Lowell had counted that he drank about thirty-three beers. When we disembarked from Ray’s van, Lowell asked if anyone wanted to join him for a nightcap at the Pla-Mor. I recall that I turned him down. I don’t think anyone took him up on the offer.

It dawned on me recently that I may be the last living participant in those trips to Royals’ games in Ray’s van. I’m not. Joe Rosener is 84-years old and living in northwest Iowa.

As much as I had to drink that day, it remains one of my favorite memories. Except for being in the wrong place.

You may download the box score to the game at ?attachment_id=2455

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Caught off guard

Posted on October 8, 2025 by Marty Ryan

In 1997, when I was lobbying for the Iowa Civil Liberties Union (the forerunner to the ACLU of Iowa), a bill was introduced in the Iowa House of Representatives that would have allowed school officials to randomly conduct searches of students’ lockers. I didn’t think about it seriously because it was introduced by a Democrat, and Republicans controlled the chamber 54-46. The majority party rarely, if ever, allows a minority party member to sponsor a bill that is taken up for consideration.

Moreover, if the bill did move through the House, surely the Senate wouldn’t consider the bill since Republicans also maintained control in the upper chamber, 28-22.

I was so wrong! The bill, House File 141, was referred to the House Education Committee where it was assigned to a subcommittee consisting of the committee’s chairperson, ranking member, and a future Speaker of the House as the subcommittee’s chairperson.

Boring you to death is not my intention, so I’ll stop with the procedural mumbo-jumbo and get on with the problem. After having passed both chambers and blessed with the governor’s signature, making it law, the fun began for me.

The law covered more than just locker searches. Excuse me, locker “inspections.” The word “inspection” was intended to mean that it wasn’t a search. And, of course, the students did not ‘own’ the lockers, the school did: “Allowing students to use a separate lock on a locker, desk, or other facility or space owned by the school and provided to the student shall also not give rise to an expectation of privacy on a student’s part with respect to that locker, desk, facility, or space.”

I was invited to talk to a class of junior high school students on two different occasions on the same day shortly after the locker search law was enacted. While speaking to the first class, I mentioned that students have the right to stand by their assigned locker while the search is being conducted. I don’t think I said “inspection.” I wanted to make myself clear. [“An inspection under this subsection shall either occur in the presence of the students whose lockers are being inspected or the inspection shall be conducted in the presence of at least one other person.”]

One astute student raised her hand and bravely told me that the administration conducts searches of the lockers while the students are sitting at their desks. I told the class that was illegal. I should have known school administers would locate the loophole (conducted in the presence of at least one other person). As a lobbyist, I attempted to get that language out of the bill. Representatives Bill Brand and Keith Kreiman introduced an amendment to get rid of the ‘one other person’ language and require students to be present.

As I began to talk to the next group of students, an administrator took up a chair next to the door to listen to what I had to say. I didn’t back down from what I had to say, but there were no astute students in the second group.

Now, I find out that some schools are built without lockers. Everyone uses backpacks. Sure, a student can rent a locker from the school; they might actually wear a coat to school and need a place to store it between the first bell and the final bell.

What! Some schools no longer have bells? Must have gone out the window like the lockers, due process, and other constitutional rights.

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The Big Ten

Posted on September 6, 2025 by Marty Ryan

Six of the nine United States Supreme Court justices are Catholic. Even Neil Gorsuch, who identifies as an Episcopalian, was raised Catholic. This is an important demographic because of at least one case that could make it to the High Court within a couple of years.

There is movement in the United States at this time where Christian Nationals are attempting to have Stone v. Graham overturned. Stone v. Graham is a 1980 United States Supreme Court decision in which the Supreme Court held that a Kentucky statute “requiring the posting of the Ten Commandments in public school rooms has no secular legislative purpose, and is therefore unconstitutional.”

The Kentucky statute in question required “the posting of a copy of the Ten Commandments, purchased with private contributions, on the wall of each public classroom in the State.”

The Court concluded that the Kentucky law violated the first prong of the Lemon test. The Lemon test consists of three prongs. “First, the statute must have a secular legislative purpose; second, its principal or primary effect must be one that neither advances nor inhibits religion; finally, the statute must not foster `an excessive government entanglement with religion.’”

Louisiana enacted a bill this year that requires the commandments to be posted in every Louisiana public classroom, from kindergarten through college. Many legal experts are predicting that this law will make it to the United States Supreme Court. However, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals, based in New Orleans, “blocked the state law from taking effect, unanimously ruling that Louisiana’s state-sponsored-religion law was ‘facially unconstitutional.’” The Fifth Circuit is considered by many legal experts to be the most conservative of all thirteen federal circuit courts, so I can’t imagine the matter can get to the Supreme Court. My reasoning is that, because of the Catholic majority mentioned earlier, there should be one major reason for the Court to reject any appeal.

There is a difference between the Ten Commandments required in Louisiana and throughout the Bible Belt and the traditional Catholic version, and the difference is significant.

First of all, the numbering alignment is off from the beginning. Catholics and Lutherans follow the numberings created by Saint Augustine of Hippa (the guy who said, “Lord, make me chaste, but not yet), in the Fifth Century. Augustine combined the First and Second Commandments, similar to the grouping found in the Talmud. The King James Version, created in 1611, over a century and one-half after the first Bible was printed by the Gutenberg Press, separates the redundancy of Exodus 20: 2-3.

Next, there is no Catholic commandment about ‘graven images’ found in the Protestant Second Commandment. The First Commandment of Catholics states that there “shalt be no strange gods before Me.” Recently, the Catholic version substituted the Sabbath for “The Lord’s Day.” Also, the Augustine version separates the final two commandments of St. James versions into two separate commandments pertaining to coveting. After all, coveting a person should be more sinful than coveting a neighbor’s ox or an ass.

A Catholic kid in public school, and attending CCD, or Confraternity of Christian Doctrine classes during the week is going to be confused by being exposed to different versions of the same principles.

But are these concerns going to weigh into a decision for the Court to consider, either in accepting or deciding a case on this issue? Or, will the Alito and Thomas side of the bench cave to the popularity of the prevailing side as they have in recent cases?

“The 2000 U.S. Supreme Court ruling (Santa Fe vs. Doe) says it all, ‘School sponsorship of a religious message is impermissible because it sends the ancillary message to members of the audience who are non-adherents that they are outsiders, not full members of the political community, and an accompanying message to adherents that they are insiders, favored members of the political community.’”

State Rep. Jim Olsen, an Oklahoma Republican after introducing a bill in the Oklahoma House Chamber last year said: “The Ten Commandments is one of the foundations of our nation.” That’s a weak assessment of our country’s infrastructure. The Ten Commandments are not even close to being a foundation of our nation. There are too many varieties of commandments to be considered a brick in a weak foundation.

The solid foundations of our nation include the Declaration of Independence, The Constitution, and the Bill of Rights, “known collectively as the Charters of Freedom.” There are no alternative documents. If the United States should post anything in a classroom it should be the Bill of Rights, with the First Amendment highlighted.

This article was originally published in The Prairie Progressive, September, 2025 issue.

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George’s cherry tree

Posted on July 22, 2025 by Marty Ryan

George Powers had two cherry trees on his property. He had a few other fruit trees, but those trees didn’t produce like the cherry trees. George lived two houses south of us. I would walk through Johanna Scanlon’s property next door, go over the fence, which was almost hidden by undergrowth and up against some of the best rhubarb in town, and onto George’s property. The cherry trees were just on the other side of the fence.

I know George didn’t plant the trees; they were fully grown and I don’t think he lived there with his family all that long.

I would climb into the tree and sit on a branch, reach out and begin harvesting cherries, spitting seeds onto the ground beneath me. These cherries were the bright red tart type, not the meaty dark red variety found in grocery stores. If they were poisoned with chemicals, I wouldn’t have cared. I never got sick, even considering the amount of fruit I ate.

A memory spark ignited when I saw cherry juice at COSTCO. Two half-gallon jugs cost $9.99. To me, that’s a bargain. Since I was a kid, I have not tasted anything close to the taste of George’s cherries. The cherry juice at COSTCO has all the tartness of George’s cherries. And the juice at COSTCO has no added sugars or preservatives. The only ingredient is tart cherry juice. I mix it with a bit of water; carbonated water, when I have it on hand.

Cherry is my favorite flavor. Whenever I’m in a place that has a soda fountain, I will always order a cherry phosphate. I ate Luden’s and Smith Brother’s cherry cough drops even when I didn’t have a cough. I love cherry pie, cherry turnovers, and cherry everything. Stephanie and I had cherry cider at our wedding, purchased from Small’s Fruit Farm in Mondamin, Iowa.

We have apple trees, a pear tree, a peach tree, and blackberry and black raspberry bushes in our yard. However, for some reason, we have no cherry trees. We did have a cherry bush. It was weird; there were no stems, just small cherries. It may have been a Canadian variety. If we did have a cherry tree in the back yard, I can imagine some kid would sit in a tree in the back yard spitting seeds out on the lawn.

One day, I was sitting in George’s tree enjoying the cherries when George came out on the back porch and yelled at me. “You damn kids get out of that tree!” I was the only one there. ‘Ha!’ I thought. ‘The joke’s on you. There’s no one here but me and a few birds.’ I was going to wait for him to come down off the porch before I made a decision. He went back into the house.

Oh, how I miss those cherries.

***

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