It’s Not The Onion

webeagleLast week I received an email with an embedded link leading to an article told about a Texas judge who sentenced a person to death row upon convicting the person of his third offense possession of marijuana.  The story is here:

http://empirenews.net/texas-judge-sentences-man-to-death-for-marijuana-possession/#.U6rSLckKd6w.facebook

The story comes from the “Empire News” website.  It’s not a true story; the Empire News is a rival of The Onion, a satirical news publication.

I hadn’t heard of the Empire News, so when I received the email from a friend I began looking around for The Onion trademark.  It wasn’t there.  I checked out The Onion.  It wasn’t published there.   I had no idea there was another satirical outlet that rivaled The Onion.

The story, even though it’s fake, led me to think of a couple of things.  First, we are fortunate in Iowa to have a system of selecting judges and justices that leaves politics out of the process – for the most part.  In many states, judges and justices are on the ballot and campaign as though they were running for Congress or dogcatcher.  Iowa’s procedure requires interviews with a panel of Iowans selected by the Iowa Bar Association and the governor.  After that, 3 finalists are submitted to the governor for the appointment of one.  Yes, there is a small bit of politics, but it beats the process of judges making decisions based upon whether they may or may not be re-elected.

The second thing I thought of that came out of this faux article is the reaction.  It wasn’t just my reaction; comments followed the article, and several of those comments were from people who thought the article was true.  The supposed act was from Texas.  That made me believe that it “possibly could” be true.   Things happen in Texas that no one can understand.  However, there were believers that commented in a way that this was acceptable for a judge to do.  “I am glad that Texas is finally taking a stand against SATIN’s [sic] LETTUCE.”  (He was referring to marijuana when he calls it “Satan’s Lettuce.)  On the other hand, I imagined that the comment itself could be a fake.

It all comes down to this:  Who can you trust for reliable news nowadays?

Earlier this week, I heard a woman talk about a bumper sticker that was stolen from her car.  It read:  “I get my news from Comedy Central; I get my comedy from Fox News.”

 

 

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Open Records Have Limits

Fawkes-Lee & Ryan spoke to the Iowa Public Information Board this afternoon (6/19/14).  Below is our comments.

Before the Iowa Public Information Board

June 19, 2014

I am Marty Ryan and I represent Fawkes-Lee & Ryan, a “web-based, service-oriented, grassroots small business specifically structured to address the growing need to strengthen specific Constitutional Freedoms and related social issues.”  Two of the issues we are dedicated to strengthening are access to public records/open meetings, and privacy.

We believe that openness in government is essential for a healthy democracy to survive.

Likewise, we are dedicated to working toward protecting individual freedoms, with a strong emphasis on privacy.

Often, when the public’s right to know bumps up against a privacy issue, we approach that fork in the road by following the individual’s right to privacy.

An article in the Thursday Des Moines Register cites an author and professor from Indiana who claims to have a “no brainer” solution to an alleged problem of governments and companies not having access to potential employees’ past.  He claims that “employers should request or require job applicants and finalists to sign waivers giving their current or previous employers permission to release personnel records and speak freely about the past work performances.”  (Emphasis ours.)

While the focus of the article is not about a person’s privacy, it is closely related to the issue of personnel records.  Personnel records do not belong in the public eye, whether the employer is the government or a private corporation.

The Indiana professor’s idea cannot fly in Iowa.

Iowa law is more complex than that. Chapter 91B[1] of Iowa law addresses how current employees may obtain copies of information in their personnel record.  Further, a former employee, according to a federal lawsuit, cannot have access at all because, well, the person is no longer an employee.  If a former employee may not legally obtain a copy of her disciplinary record, why should anyone else be able to gain access?

There are several other reasons why this practice should never be allowed.  A disciplinary matter such as absences may be the result of an embarrassing illness.  Even if the only piece of the record is the number of absences in a given number of days or months, there can be no allowance for the employee to refute the accusations by the employer or an outside force without possibly giving information that is protected under federal law (HPPA).

Whistleblowers will refrain from coming forward.  Without the opportunity to add due process considerations into the record, and remember, the record is held by the employer, a person’s future and quality of life for his family can be compromised by the one-sided notations within the record.

Personnel records contain facts.  Or, do they?  There is no statute that requires a personnel record to contain undisputed facts.  Name, Social Security Number, Date of Birth, and gender are facts.  Comments from a supervisor about a person’s work ethic, idiosyncrasies, and other observations are all subjective and speculative.  Yet, many disciplinary actions are based upon the latter.

We bring this to your attention because no one seems to be presenting a different view other than that carried by the print media.  There are two sides to every story.  We present our side because it is possible that at some time in the future this Board may flirt with the possibility of proposing legislation or making a decision in other facets of the Board’s responsibilities.  In addition, we feel it should be a part of the educational repertoire provided by staff.



[1]   91B.1  Files — access by employees.

1.  An employee, as defined in section 91A.2, shall have access to and shall be permitted to obtain a copy of the employee’s personnel file maintained by the employee’s employer, as defined in section 91A.2, including but not limited to performance evaluations, disciplinary records, and other information concerning employer-employee relations.

2.  However, an employee’s access to a personnel file is subject to all of the following:

a.  The employer and employee shall agree on the time the employee may have access to the employee’s personnel file, and a representative of the employer may be present.

b.  An employee shall not have access to employment references written for the employee.

c.  An employer may charge a reasonable fee for each page of a copy made by the employer for an employee of an item in the employee’s personnel file. For purposes of this paragraph, “reasonable fee” means an amount equivalent to an amount charged per page for copies made by a commercial copying business.

90 Acts, ch 1033, §1; 98 Acts, ch 1022, §1; 2008 Acts, ch 1032, §201

 

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A Different Angle on the Death Penalty

webeagleThe Reformer is “The Official Inmate Newsletter Of The Iowa State Penitentiary” in Fort Madison, Iowa.  The newsletter is put together by inmates and is produced somewhere between quarterly and monthly.

A letter-to-the-editor caught my attention in this past issue.  We’re reproducing here just as it was printed in the newsletter:

LETTER TO THE EDITOR:

             My name is Jesse Brown, and I am serving a sentence of life without the possibility of parole.  I am writing this letter in solidarity with thousands of other men and women imprisoned all across this country asking that you stop supporting the sentence of life without the possibility of parole as an acceptable alternative to the death penalty.

“Life      without      the      possibility      of      parole      is      the      “Death      Penalty.”

            I know that many death penalty advocate groups believe that it is not politically viable to seek to stop all forms of the death penalty.  Many of these groups don’t believe that life without parole is essentially a death sentence.  They are wrong . . .

            According to many studies, support for the death penalty continues to shrink.  The public is more and more accepting of the proposition that rehabilitation is a real possibility and is an acceptable punishment.

            If you believe executing humans is wrong, then condemning them to a long slow death in prison must also be wrong.  And yes, a long slow death is the death penalty.  To argue otherwise is morally disingenuous at best.

            Why not adopt a true and complete opposition to the death penalty?  Why not argue in favor of humanity?  Why not move forward with the times and stop fighting with out-molded [sic] positions on behalf of the more than 4,000 men and women sentenced to die.  By meaningful incarceration I ask that you and your organizations adopt a consistent opposition to all forms of the death penalty.

            Please break the silence and let all our voices be heard.  “No effort gets No results”

 Fawkes-Lee & Ryan does not support nor oppose Jesse’s position.

 

 

Posted in Death Penalty, Issues | 1 Comment

A Horrible Decision

webeagleIt’s one of those United States Supreme Court cases in which you want to read the dissent before the actual opinion.  In Maryland v. King, that’s exactly what I did.  Associate Justice Antonin Scalia wrote the dissent, and was joined by Justices Ginsberg, Sotomayor, and Kagan – the Court’s three female members. 

Maryland v. King is an opinion that allows law enforcement agencies to collect DNA from people who have been arrested.  Many states, including Iowa, allow for the collection of DNA after a person has been convicted of a certain crime, but twenty-eight states and the federal government allow for the collection upon arrest.  On Monday, the Court said it was constitutionally okay to take a sample of “skin cells”.  They might just as well take an arm or a leg, your heart, your brain, or your medical records.  The majority opinion in the case adds credence to the phrase “if you’ve done nothing wrong, you’ve nothing to fear”.  That is not the way America works, or the way it used to work.  That’s where I give credit to my Eighth Amendment (the death penalty is NOT cruel and unusual punishment) nemesis, Justice “Tony” Scalia.

Justice Scalia’s first paragraph in his dissent is simple and brilliant.

The Fourth Amendment forbids searching a person for evidence of a crime when there is no basis for believing the person is guilty of the crime or is in possession of incrimi­nating evidence. That prohibition is categorical and with­out exception; it lies at the very heart of the Fourth Amendment. Whenever this Court has allowed a suspi­cionless search, it has insisted upon a justifying motive apart from the investigation of crime.

We have said this before in previous blogs:

Guilty Until Proven Innocent

DNA:  Modern Day Fingerprints?

The majority opinion really misses the boat.  Justice Kennedy acknowledges that collecting DNA is a Fourth Amendment search. “It can be agreed that using a buccal swab on the inner tissues of a person’s cheek in order to obtain DNA samples is a search. Virtually any “intrusio[n] into the human body” will work an invasion of “‘cherished personal security’ that is subject to constitutional scrutiny.”  He got that right, but then he went on to use examples.  “The Court has applied the Fourth Amendment to police efforts to draw blood,. . . scraping an arrestee’s fingernails to obtain trace evidence, and even to “a breathalyzer test, which generally requires the production of alveolaror ‘deep lung’ breath for chemical analysis”  What he failed to grasp was the difference of circumstances. His examples have one thing in common.  The drawing of an arrestee’s blood, scraping fingernails, and using breathalyzers are evidence-acquiring techniques that are used on a person who is a suspect of a “certain” crime in the present time.  The difference between these Fourth Amendment searches and DNA searches for arrestees is that the DNA searches are not connected to the crime before law enforcement.  The evidence obtained has nothing to do with solving the crime for which the arrestee is facing charges. 

Some may claim that the collection of fingerprints is the same thing.  It’s not.  DNA is your family history.  As Stephanie wrote in a previous blog, “Fingerprints and DNA are very different.  DNA can be inadvertently transferred from one location to another; fingerprints cannot. DNA has a genetic link.  Fingerprints do not.” And although it’s possible to have two people in the entire world have identical fingerprints, those two people may be on different continents, be of diverse cultures and races, and have absolutely nothing in common.  As for DNA, the person with a match closest to yours is most likely a sibling.  And twins often do have the same DNA.  Yeah, it’s different.

We can expect bills next year by the Attorney General, county attorneys, and quite possibly the huge brood of law enforcement lobbying groups, to expand the already expanded list of eligible felons and misdemeanants who have been arrested for a crime to submit to the buccal swab.

© Copyright 2013.  Fawkes-Lee & Ryan.  All rights reserved.

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A Book Report

webeagleBook Title:  Murder At The Supreme Court

Authors:  Clancy, Martin & O’Brien, Tim

Publisher:  Prometheus Books, 59 John Glenn Drive, Amherst, New York 14228-2119

Copyright 2013

by – Marty Ryan

The death penalty has always fascinated me.  Why would society want to collectively kill one of its own?  Isn’t it akin to cannibalism?  There are so many reasons why I oppose the use of capital punishment, and there are so many people who know of my passion.  My sister Kathleen and her husband, Bill, have given me this book because they thought I might like it.  I love it!  It has become my new resource for why this punishment, in the words of its authors, “is broken and cannot be fixed”.

Murder At The Supreme Court is a nonfiction book that goes in-depth to examine “Lethal Crimes and Landmark Cases” that have reached the United States Supreme Court.  I have known the title of many cases examined in the book; Furman v. Georgia; Gregg v. Georgia; McCleskey v. Kemp; and many more.  I basically know the significance of each case.  However, authors Clancy and O’Brien have brought the cases to life.  They have interviewed prosecutors, victims’ families, defense attorneys, wardens at prisons where executions have occurred, and several other players in a barbaric system that remains only in the United States and a small handful of other (mostly third-world) countries. 

As Iowa experienced its closest brush with reinstatement of capital punishment in 1995, lobbyists in opposition to House File 2, the bill that was eventually defeated in the Iowa Senate by an overwhelming margin (11-39), emphasized a list of seven strong reasons why Iowa should not bring back the death penalty as a means of punishment.  Clancy and O’Brien have included those points in their book.  Deterrence, discriminatory application, ineffective representation, religious objections, actual innocence, retribution (or vengeance), and irrevocability are all addressed in the book.

I never had the chance to talk with the late Professor David Baldus [U of I law faculty] about his work on the McCleskey case.  I would have liked to have heard his rendition of the description in the book where it mentions that “David Baldus watched helplessly from the gallery of the courtroom as he saw [Justice] White’s vote slip away.” 

The McCleskey case was one of the first cases heard by Court in which newly-appointed Justice Antonin Scalia participated.  The book focuses on Justice Scalia more than any other justice, and with good reason.  Justice Scalia is the larger-than-life primary cheerleader of capital punishment.  He has dissented or joined the dissent in every case that has narrowed the scope of those who may be vulnerable to a state-sanctioned killing.  But moreover, he has also taken unnecessary jabs at other justices who have reasonably explained that there are “evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society” that must be taken into consideration.  

What really struck me as strange is Justice Scalia’s justification for abandoning his Faith’s view on capital punishment.  Being a supposedly “devout Catholic”, Scalia claims that “the question of capital punishment is not one on which the pope’s word is decisive for Catholics.”  You learn something new every day.  I have now learned that being an associate justice of the United States Supreme Court is one level higher than being pope of the Roman Catholic Church, if you happen to be a Catholic. 

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Enhancing Minority Disproportionate Incarceration Rates In Iowa

A minority impact statement is a significant portion of a fiscal note prepared by the nonpartisan Fiscal Division of the Iowa Legislative Services Agency.  In cooperation with the Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning of the Department of Human Rights, the Fiscal Division analyzes legislation to determine if the legislation will have an impact on minorities.

Because Iowa has a staggering racial disparity in incarceration rates (as a matter-of-fact, a 2007 report from the Sentencing Project rates Iowa as THE state with the “highest racial disparity in incarceration”), it is important for legislators to take the time to look at these fiscal notes.  Placing an emphasis on the minority impact statements, legislators should examine whether there might be a better method of achieving the same goals while reducing the imbalance of disproportionate incarceration.

One of this year’s best examples of a bill that may have a huge impact on increasing rather than decreasing the imbalance of minorities in the correctional system is Senate File 384, a bill that creates the new offense of removal of an officer’s communication or control device (radio).

A legitimate fear of a law enforcement officer is having someone strip the service revolver from the officer’s holster.  A person who commits this crime violates the Iowa law of “Disarming a peace officer of a dangerous weapon” and the punishment is a class “D” felony.  A class “D” felony is punishable by confinement for no more than five years and a fine of at least $750 but not more than $7,500.  The penalty for discharging that dangerous weapon, whether it hits the officer, a bystander, the ground, or anything else is a class “C” felony, which carries a penalty of up to ten years and a fine of between $1,000 and $10,000.  This is all understandable and defensible.

Now, a related issue has come before the General Assembly.  Senate File 384 began as a bill that would make removing a communications device from a peace officer a class “D” felony, same as a weapon.  This penalty seemed a little steep in comparison with intentionally removing a weapon, but we did understand that the loss of radio communication can be just as frightening as losing a weapon.  We made an offer.  What if the law had graduated steps?

Wouldn’t it make sense to gradually increase the penalty along with the defendant’s level of intent?  Our idea was to suggest that if the defendant removed the radio, but inflicted no damage, didn’t hurt the officer, and had no intention of preventing communication, the charge should be less than a defendant who caused bodily injury; serious injury; or tried to prevent the peace officer from communicating.  Legislators in the Senate listened to what we had to say.

The bill was amended in the Senate Judiciary Committee to reflect our suggestion.  The penalty for removing a radio or other communications device would range from a simple misdemeanor to a class “D” felony.  However, in the course of amending the bill with our suggestion, the Senate Judiciary Committee added another issue to the bill.

A bill that has been coined by some as the “clumsy cop bill”, House File 528, is a bill that proposes to amend Iowa law that enhances the crime of “Interference with official acts” under certain instances.  As it is now, the law states that if “a person commits an interference with official acts, . . . and in doing so inflicts or attempts to inflict [serious injury or bodily injury]” the penalty is enhanced.  Several special interests desire to replace the phrase “inflicts or attempts to inflict” with the phrase “which results in”.  The derogatory title, “clumsy cop bill”, comes from the possible analogy of a police officer tripping on a curb and getting injured in the course of arresting a defendant.  There is a huge difference between “inflicting” and “resulting”.  Inflicts means to “cause (something unpleasant or painful) to be suffered by someone or something.”  Result is defined “as to happen or end in a certain way as a consequence of something else.”  As you can see, inflicts has a direct causal relationship to the incident, while results can be an indirect consequence of a separate act.  Therefore, a peace officer may be injured in an act that is the “result” of the arrest, but in which the defendant has no part.

We would settle for the word “causes” to replace the word inflict, if a change needs to be made.  Causes can mean “make something happen”.  This change was offered by Rep. Dave Dawson (D-Sioux City) at a subcommittee on the bill in the House.  We accepted the compromise; the County Attorneys Association flat out refused to meet us in the middle.  The Peace Officers Association at least thought about it.

Recently, a fiscal note on SF 384 was prepared at the Request of Senator Charles Schneider (R-West Des Moines).  The minority impact statement says:

It is expected this Bill will have a disproportionate impact on minorities because approximately 34.6% of offenders convicted under the Bill’s provisions related to interference with official acts may be minorities. Under current law, these simple misdemeanor offenders are not supervised in the corrections system. This Bill shifts simple misdemeanor convictions to aggravated misdemeanor and Class “D” felony convictions. There will be an increase in the number of minority offenders supervised in the correctional system.  To the extent that the new crime, removal of an officer’s communication or control device, results in new convictions, the minority impact may be understated in this fiscal note.

The addition of a separate and somewhat unrelated issue to a bill that we have worked on with pride and fairness, and one that treats minorities with balance is a step backward.

© Copyright 2013. All rights reserved.  Fawkes-Lee & Ryan.

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