A Book Report

webeagleBook Title:  Murder At The Supreme Court

Authors:  Clancy, Martin & O’Brien, Tim

Publisher:  Prometheus Books, 59 John Glenn Drive, Amherst, New York 14228-2119

Copyright 2013

by – Marty Ryan

The death penalty has always fascinated me.  Why would society want to collectively kill one of its own?  Isn’t it akin to cannibalism?  There are so many reasons why I oppose the use of capital punishment, and there are so many people who know of my passion.  My sister Kathleen and her husband, Bill, have given me this book because they thought I might like it.  I love it!  It has become my new resource for why this punishment, in the words of its authors, “is broken and cannot be fixed”.

Murder At The Supreme Court is a nonfiction book that goes in-depth to examine “Lethal Crimes and Landmark Cases” that have reached the United States Supreme Court.  I have known the title of many cases examined in the book; Furman v. Georgia; Gregg v. Georgia; McCleskey v. Kemp; and many more.  I basically know the significance of each case.  However, authors Clancy and O’Brien have brought the cases to life.  They have interviewed prosecutors, victims’ families, defense attorneys, wardens at prisons where executions have occurred, and several other players in a barbaric system that remains only in the United States and a small handful of other (mostly third-world) countries. 

As Iowa experienced its closest brush with reinstatement of capital punishment in 1995, lobbyists in opposition to House File 2, the bill that was eventually defeated in the Iowa Senate by an overwhelming margin (11-39), emphasized a list of seven strong reasons why Iowa should not bring back the death penalty as a means of punishment.  Clancy and O’Brien have included those points in their book.  Deterrence, discriminatory application, ineffective representation, religious objections, actual innocence, retribution (or vengeance), and irrevocability are all addressed in the book.

I never had the chance to talk with the late Professor David Baldus [U of I law faculty] about his work on the McCleskey case.  I would have liked to have heard his rendition of the description in the book where it mentions that “David Baldus watched helplessly from the gallery of the courtroom as he saw [Justice] White’s vote slip away.” 

The McCleskey case was one of the first cases heard by Court in which newly-appointed Justice Antonin Scalia participated.  The book focuses on Justice Scalia more than any other justice, and with good reason.  Justice Scalia is the larger-than-life primary cheerleader of capital punishment.  He has dissented or joined the dissent in every case that has narrowed the scope of those who may be vulnerable to a state-sanctioned killing.  But moreover, he has also taken unnecessary jabs at other justices who have reasonably explained that there are “evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society” that must be taken into consideration.  

What really struck me as strange is Justice Scalia’s justification for abandoning his Faith’s view on capital punishment.  Being a supposedly “devout Catholic”, Scalia claims that “the question of capital punishment is not one on which the pope’s word is decisive for Catholics.”  You learn something new every day.  I have now learned that being an associate justice of the United States Supreme Court is one level higher than being pope of the Roman Catholic Church, if you happen to be a Catholic. 

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Enhancing Minority Disproportionate Incarceration Rates In Iowa

A minority impact statement is a significant portion of a fiscal note prepared by the nonpartisan Fiscal Division of the Iowa Legislative Services Agency.  In cooperation with the Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning of the Department of Human Rights, the Fiscal Division analyzes legislation to determine if the legislation will have an impact on minorities.

Because Iowa has a staggering racial disparity in incarceration rates (as a matter-of-fact, a 2007 report from the Sentencing Project rates Iowa as THE state with the “highest racial disparity in incarceration”), it is important for legislators to take the time to look at these fiscal notes.  Placing an emphasis on the minority impact statements, legislators should examine whether there might be a better method of achieving the same goals while reducing the imbalance of disproportionate incarceration.

One of this year’s best examples of a bill that may have a huge impact on increasing rather than decreasing the imbalance of minorities in the correctional system is Senate File 384, a bill that creates the new offense of removal of an officer’s communication or control device (radio).

A legitimate fear of a law enforcement officer is having someone strip the service revolver from the officer’s holster.  A person who commits this crime violates the Iowa law of “Disarming a peace officer of a dangerous weapon” and the punishment is a class “D” felony.  A class “D” felony is punishable by confinement for no more than five years and a fine of at least $750 but not more than $7,500.  The penalty for discharging that dangerous weapon, whether it hits the officer, a bystander, the ground, or anything else is a class “C” felony, which carries a penalty of up to ten years and a fine of between $1,000 and $10,000.  This is all understandable and defensible.

Now, a related issue has come before the General Assembly.  Senate File 384 began as a bill that would make removing a communications device from a peace officer a class “D” felony, same as a weapon.  This penalty seemed a little steep in comparison with intentionally removing a weapon, but we did understand that the loss of radio communication can be just as frightening as losing a weapon.  We made an offer.  What if the law had graduated steps?

Wouldn’t it make sense to gradually increase the penalty along with the defendant’s level of intent?  Our idea was to suggest that if the defendant removed the radio, but inflicted no damage, didn’t hurt the officer, and had no intention of preventing communication, the charge should be less than a defendant who caused bodily injury; serious injury; or tried to prevent the peace officer from communicating.  Legislators in the Senate listened to what we had to say.

The bill was amended in the Senate Judiciary Committee to reflect our suggestion.  The penalty for removing a radio or other communications device would range from a simple misdemeanor to a class “D” felony.  However, in the course of amending the bill with our suggestion, the Senate Judiciary Committee added another issue to the bill.

A bill that has been coined by some as the “clumsy cop bill”, House File 528, is a bill that proposes to amend Iowa law that enhances the crime of “Interference with official acts” under certain instances.  As it is now, the law states that if “a person commits an interference with official acts, . . . and in doing so inflicts or attempts to inflict [serious injury or bodily injury]” the penalty is enhanced.  Several special interests desire to replace the phrase “inflicts or attempts to inflict” with the phrase “which results in”.  The derogatory title, “clumsy cop bill”, comes from the possible analogy of a police officer tripping on a curb and getting injured in the course of arresting a defendant.  There is a huge difference between “inflicting” and “resulting”.  Inflicts means to “cause (something unpleasant or painful) to be suffered by someone or something.”  Result is defined “as to happen or end in a certain way as a consequence of something else.”  As you can see, inflicts has a direct causal relationship to the incident, while results can be an indirect consequence of a separate act.  Therefore, a peace officer may be injured in an act that is the “result” of the arrest, but in which the defendant has no part.

We would settle for the word “causes” to replace the word inflict, if a change needs to be made.  Causes can mean “make something happen”.  This change was offered by Rep. Dave Dawson (D-Sioux City) at a subcommittee on the bill in the House.  We accepted the compromise; the County Attorneys Association flat out refused to meet us in the middle.  The Peace Officers Association at least thought about it.

Recently, a fiscal note on SF 384 was prepared at the Request of Senator Charles Schneider (R-West Des Moines).  The minority impact statement says:

It is expected this Bill will have a disproportionate impact on minorities because approximately 34.6% of offenders convicted under the Bill’s provisions related to interference with official acts may be minorities. Under current law, these simple misdemeanor offenders are not supervised in the corrections system. This Bill shifts simple misdemeanor convictions to aggravated misdemeanor and Class “D” felony convictions. There will be an increase in the number of minority offenders supervised in the correctional system.  To the extent that the new crime, removal of an officer’s communication or control device, results in new convictions, the minority impact may be understated in this fiscal note.

The addition of a separate and somewhat unrelated issue to a bill that we have worked on with pride and fairness, and one that treats minorities with balance is a step backward.

© Copyright 2013. All rights reserved.  Fawkes-Lee & Ryan.

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Bald Eagle Watch and Release on Sunday

webeagleSOAR – Saving Our Avian Resources is excited to announce that an eagle that had elevated lead levels is ready for release back to the wild!  Join us at 2:00 p.m. at Jester Park Lodge, near Granger, Iowa, for a program about eagles in Iowa as part of the Bald Eagle Watch around Saylorville Lake.  We’ll release this eagle at the end of the 2:00 program.

State Representative Anesa Kajtazovic of Waterloo will be given the honor of releasing the eagle in recognition for her continued support of protecting wildlife against lead poisoning.  She is the primary sponsor of House File 165, a bill that will authorize the Iowa Natural Resource Commission to limit the types of ammunition that may be used to take wildlife in the state, thereby possibly reducing the number of eagles diagnosed with lead poisoning.  Other co-sponsors of the bill include:  Dan Kelley of Newton; Sharon Steckman of Mason City; and Charles Isenhart of Dubuque.

This adult male eagle did have elevated blood lead levels and was hit by a car while dining on roadkill along Highway 141 near Bayard, Iowa.  The eagle was rescued on December 7 and taken to the SOAR raptor rehabilitation facilities nearby.  A few miles south of this rescue location, another adult eagle was not as lucky and was also seen eating roadkill and later killed after being struck by a semi-truck

When an eagle ingests lead from a deer carcass (or another animal shot with lead shot or lead bullet that was not found by the hunter), the lead is quickly absorbed into the eagle’s bloodstream because their digestive system is so efficient.  Lead poisoning affects the nervous and circulatory systems and weakens the bird so that flying and hunting become difficult, they become uncoordinated, may have vision issues, and have difficulty breathing, seizures often accompany these symptoms.  200 milligrams (about the size of #4 shot) is enough to kill an eagle.

Many of us in Iowa have been working very hard to educate hunters and consumers of game meat in hopes that hunters will voluntarily choose to switch to non-lead ammunition.  Thank you to the Black Hawk Wildlife Rehabilitation Project, MacBride Raptor Project, and Wildlife Care Clinic for also rescuing and treating lead-affected eagles!  Since 2004, Iowa wildlife rehabilitators have admitted 247 bald eagles for treatment.  Over half of these eagles (144) had ingested lead, resulting in elevated lead levels in their blood and body tissues.  These are only a sample, as not all sick and injured eagles are found and brought to rehabilitators. These lead poisoning deaths are completely preventable, please hunt lead-free!

The Saylorville Bald Eagle Watch is scheduled 12:00 – 4:00 p.m. at the Saylorville Lake Visitor Center, Jester Park Lodge, and various sites around the reservoir.

For more information about rehabilitating eagles and other raptors with lead poisoning symptoms, non-lead ammunition, and more, please visit www.soarraptors.org.

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Oral Arguments: Please Pardon the Pun

WarningThe following blog addresses a sexual issue and may be offensive to some readers.

Often, common sense has nothing to do with upholding the law.

Imagine that an inmate in a federal prison was forced to give a correctional officer (CO) oral sex.  The inmate sues the government, asking the courts to side with him because the federal facility failed to protect him from the sexual assault by the CO.  The federal prison, however, claims that it has immunity because the CO did not commit an assault “while carrying out a search, seizing evidence, or making an arrest,” the criteria for losing immunity.  Since the CO did none of those things, the prison maintains its immunity.

You can stop imagining.  It happened.

According to the complaint, Millbrook was subjected to sexual assault while housed in the Special Management Unit (SMU) at USP-Lewisburg on or about March 5, 2010. On that date, Millbrook alleged that he was taken to the basement of the SMU and forced to perform oral sex on Correctional Officer Pealer while Correctional Officer Edinger held his neck and Correctional Officer Gimberling stood watch by the door. . . . According to the defendant, Millbrook was involved in an altercation with his cell mate on the morning of March 4, 2010. As a result, both prisoners were placed in restraints and removed from their cell. They were then transferred to separate holding cells pending injury assessment and photographs. Millbrook claims that he was assaulted the next day by correctional staff. Following an internal investigation, which included a medical assessment, Millbrook’s claim was found to be unsubstantiated.

http://docs.justia.com/cases/federal/appellate-courts/ca3/12-1531/12-1531-2012-04-23.pdf

The United Supreme Court is scheduled to hear oral arguments in Millbrook v. United States (docket 11-10362) sometime in the near future.

The lawsuit was filed under the Federal Tort Claims Act, which allows the government to be sued under certain circumstances, often when an employee of the federal government commits an illegal act while on the time clock.  “The Third Circuit Court ruled against Millbrook, concluding that the Lewisburg guards’ immunity to an assault remained intact because they were not engaging in one of those law enforcement activities at the time they allegedly forced him to perform oral sex.”

In an unusual move, the Solicitor General, Donald B. Verrilli, Jr., told the Supreme Court that he was not going to argue the case for the federal government because he believes the Third Circuit got it wrong.  The federal government will write a brief asking the Big Court to overturn the Third Circuit’s decision.

A neutral lawyer will be appointed, or chosen, to carry out the argument holding up the Third Circuit’s decision.  Just when you want to believe that government doesn’t do anything right, along comes a decent decision like Verrilli’s.

Now, will the Big Court uphold the law as written, like the Third Circuit did?  Or, will it find flaws, decency and inspiration that the Solicitor General should write in his amicus brief?

 

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Death Penalty Discussion on the Fallon Forum

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J8SFF-JbOWw&feature=em-share_video_user

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The Right to a Free Public Education in Iowa & Alabama

Quite some time ago, when I was employed by the Iowa Civil Liberties Union, I noticed that the Iowa Constitution did not provide a right to a free public education to the children of Iowa.  I decided to conduct some research and see how many other states lacked such a constitutional provision.

I spent a lot of my free time at the Drake Law Library and the Iowa State Capitol Law Library going through various state code books and delving into all 50 states’ constitutions.  This was before Westlaw and Google law.  I recorded the constitutional provisions of all 49 other states that had some reference to free public education in their respective constitutions.  Forty-eight of those states provided a constitutional guarantee.  Alabama and Iowa did not.  Alabama did have language about education.  Article XIV, Section 256, of the Alabama Constitution reads as follows:

Duty of legislature to establish and maintain public school system; apportionment of public school fund; separate schools for white and colored children.

The legislature shall establish, organize, and maintain a liberal system of public schools throughout the state for the benefit of the children thereof between the ages of seven and twenty-one years. The public school fund shall be apportioned to the several counties in proportion to the number of school children of school age therein, and shall be so apportioned to the schools in the districts or townships in the counties as to provide, as nearly as practicable, school terms of equal duration in such school districts or townships. Separate schools shall be provided for white and colored children, and no child of either race shall be permitted to attend a school of the other race.

As you can see, Alabama had language about education in its constitution, but I considered the lack of any language in Iowa’s as a step above Alabama’s.  I have had many people tell me that Iowa does indeed have educational language in its constitution.  However, I have won all arguments after pointing out that Article IX of Iowa’s Constitution, “Education and School Lands”, was primarily repealed in 1864.  Our federal constitution does not provide a guaranteed right to a free public education, but in the United States Supreme Court case of Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202 (1982), a majority on the Court held that “the Constitution guarantees all children, regardless of immigration status, equal access to a basic public education.”

My spare time research was transformed to a white paper on the lack of a provision in the Iowa Constitution that provided for a tuition-free public education for Iowa children.  The result of my research led to the introduction of Senate Joint Resolution 2003, a joint resolution proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the State of Iowa relating to the right of children to free public education through the secondary level, in 1998.  The co-sponsors were Senators Mike Gronstal (D-Council Bluffs), Mary Neuhauser (D-Iowa City), and Tom Vilsack (D-Mount Pleasant).

This November, citizens of Alabama are going to the polls to vote on Amendment 4, a constitutional amendment to remove the discriminatory language of its constitution allowing segregation of schools.  A similar effort failed in 2004.  If Alabamans can move into the 21st Century, perhaps it’s time for Iowans to do that same and proceed to provide a free public education to all Iowa children.

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