What Have You Got to Hide?

“What have you got to hide?”  This question comes up too often.  In other cases, it doesn’t come up enough.  Mostly, it’s asked by police when wanting to search a vehicle, home, or even a person, without a search warrant.

The annual Iowa Freedom of Information Council’s luncheon and program was held last Friday, September 24.  The speaker, Karen Kaiser, the Associated Press’s in-house lawyer, turned the table and encouraged those in attendance (primarily media representatives) to ask the question of government officials and staff.  It gets tougher all the time to obtain information from elected leaders and the people they employ to operate “our” government.  What have they got to hide?

During the question and answer period, KCCI-TV News Director Dave Busiek referred to the difficulty news outlets have in obtaining information that is perhaps irrelevant to an investigation. It’s almost funny how law enforcement agencies hesitate to produce in-dash camera videos from police cars, but when the agency has a promo piece it wants to hit all corners of the earth it expects the media to print or broadcast its news release without delay.

Iowa’s public records laws, Iowa Code Chapter 22, has been around for almost 40 years.  In the beginning, there were 11 exceptions to the chapter’s requirements for government to produce records to the public upon request.  Today, there are over 60 exceptions carved into the law.

Here’s something to consider.  When a bill is presented in the Iowa Legislature that pertains to Chapter 22, or Chapter 21 (Open Meetings), a group of about 25-30 people will gather around a table.  Three of the group will most likely be legislators; 3 others will be those of us from the outside (lobbyists representing newspapers, broadcasters, or Fawkes-Lee & Ryan subscribers); and the remaining people at the table are paid by government entities.  Those people are paid to deny you access to your records.

Fawkes-Lee and Ryan will be at the table this upcoming session working diligently to prevent the expansion of the exceptions list.

Copyright © 2010 Fawkes-Lee & Ryan.  All rights reserved.

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Photo ID Required?

It isn’t broke, so why break it?  Iowa has a great voting system.  There isn’t a problem, except for encouraging more people to vote.  Active voters strengthen our democracy.  Eagar candidates needing to win votes have to listen to a variety of groups and diverse interests.  Requiring a photo ID weakens our system.

It costs money to have a photo ID.  When you get on this road standards need to be set, only certain IDs are accepted.  It is the very voter that needs representation that gets eliminated by what amounts to a poll tax.

Why only make small unconstitutional changes to an excellent system?  We could require a test before people vote.  Educated voters would vote in the “right” candidates.  As long as we’re looking at education, how about requiring a high school diploma—that would encourage and reward young voters to remain in high school.  But, do young people even have enough life experience to vote?  The “wrong” candidates keep getting elected.  Why not go back to being age 21 to vote?  As long as we’re going back—was it really a very good idea to let women vote?  It is just another annoying demographic that candidates have to support.  Since we’re exploring difficult demographics, older voters are a pain.  With retirement comes way too much time on their hands.  They tend to get involved politically.  There should also be a ceiling on the voting age requirement.  After all, some of these voters may have Alzheimer’s or dementia.  This would explain why the wrong people keep get elected.  It was so much easier when only white male landowners could vote.

But Seriously…

Photo identification is a needless accompaniment to the voting process, and insisting that Iowa have a law requiring a photo ID is just as needless.  We have no rampant voting fraud in this state.

In 2008, the United States Supreme Court upheld an Indiana law that required photo identification at the polls.  In Crawford v. Marion County Election Bd., 553 US ____ (2008), Justice Kennedy turned down a facial challenge to a law passed by the Indiana Legislature that required a voter to present a photo ID in order to vote.  (A facial challenge is one in which a law is questioned on its face, as opposed to one that is challenged in an “as applied” situation.)

Justice Kennedy and the majority on the Court did not take into account some of the impractical implications of this absurd requirement.  A married couple, one of whom is an election official at the polls, will be required to insist that the spouse show identification when voting.  But what’s worse is that that same election official will have to ask friends for identification.  Can you imagine the hurt feelings, the accusations, and the humility that will surface because of this?  “She just wanted to check my age!”  “He’s known me since the 1st grade.  “The nerve of her asking me for identification. I don’t want to vote anymore if I have to show an ID.  It’s degrading.”

The trust of the American voting system is at risk here.  Voting is not a security risk.  Voting cannot be compared to buying beer, boarding an airplane, or cashing a check.  Voting is a fundamental right, like worshipping in a church, synagogue or mosque of your choice.  Government intrusion into our fundamental rights has gone far enough as it is.

There are so many hurdles a person must jump in order to vote under Indiana law.  In his dissent, Justice Souter covers a long list.  The concept of some who think this is no big deal (obtaining photo identification) is out-of-touch with the reality of the situation.

In Souter’s closing statement he states that “the state interests fail to justify the practical limitations placed on the right to vote, and the law imposes an unreasonable and irrelevant burden on voters who are poor and old.”  Justice Souter would have held the law unconstitutional.

Copyright © 2010 Fawkes-Lee & Ryan.  All rights reserved.

Posted in Issues, Voting Rights | Tagged , , , , , | 1 Comment

Privacy

Privacy is important to us, and it should be important for any American who does not choose to be in the spotlight.  To paraphrase Ben Franklin, “Anyone that would give up a little liberty to gain a little security will deserve neither and lose both.”  His quote is as timely now as it was two and one-third centuries ago.  In the private sector as well as the public sector, citizens are casually relinquishing more and more information for the faux sake of safety.  Information about you is your personal liberty.  The more personal information you give to someone (or something) else, the more freedom you surrender.  Governments and corporations are gaining uncharted ground in this tug-of-war over what personal information is necessary to relinquish and what’s icing on the cake for them.  It’s like trying to find the perfect employee, and the perfect citizen.

If you want a benefit from the government, you have to comply with the requirements of the program.  That often includes providing the government with certain personal information, such as Social Security numbers, birth dates, and combinations of other identifiers that no one would give to their next of kin.  For instance, no one may obtain a driver’s license without providing the aforementioned information.  And now, it’s getting worse.  Under the guise of protecting your identity, the government (Iowa Dept. of Transportation) no longer takes your photo and allows you to leave the driver’s license renewal facility with a license or permit in hand.  You are given a piece of paper and told you will receive your new driver’s license in the mail.  What you may not know is that the photo they’re taking of you is not so much a photo as it is a facial recognition portrait.  Serving as a protective device for your identity is a rue, a red-herring, a second-hand smokescreen.  The only benefit you can receive from this service is knowing that the government “may” catch someone who has used your identifiers.  The invasion of privacy now becomes diluted because the government has in its database a computerized blueprint of your face.  Not even your family physician has such personal information.

Try to find employment in this current market and you’ll hand corporations more personal information than your parents know about you.  Some companies conduct psychological tests on prospective employees; most firms require a pre-employment drug screen (pee in the cup); and a few have even gone as far as analyzing your handwriting to see if you might be some sort of closet crazy waiting to go berserk at your desk on a future Monday morning.  If you won’t comply – don’t bother to apply.

“What have you got to hide?”  “It will be kept confidential.”  And “Everyone does it”, are all phrases you’ve heard before.  Ironically, the same company that requires so much information from you spends thousands and thousands of dollars preventing company information from being disclosed to the public and the government.

What can we do?

We don’t fly.  We drove to a conference in Washington, DC, in May of 2005.  We rented a car and drove to Seattle at Thanksgiving time in 2006 to visit Stephanie’s ailing sister.  One of the reasons for not flying is the intrusive and useless process of boarding a plane.

It’s physically safer to fly, we admit that.  On our way to DC we traveled through the entire state of Indiana with a severe thunderstorm carrying numerous tornadoes at our back.  Returning from Seattle we drove through a treacherous snow storm in the mountains in which we could barely see the road.  We acknowledge that statistics the show flying to be safer than driving.  However, at our discretion, we sacrifice safety for the sake of privacy.

When are we (citizens) going to demand equal rights with companies?  When are we going to tell the government that we want and need much more transparency than it is willing to give?  When will the day come when a private citizen feels that personal information will be just that – personal?

Fawkes-Lee & Ryan is dedicated to working toward protecting individual freedoms, with a strong emphasis on privacy.  We invite you join us.

Copyright © 2010 Fawkes-Lee & Ryan.  All rights reserved.

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Fawkes-Lee & Ryan Opposes Capital Punishment

–          by Marty Ryan

There are seven primary reasons why the death penalty is an outmoded method of punishment.

The death penalty is:

  • Discriminatory in its application
  • Immoral
  • More costly than life in prison without the possibility of parole
  • Cruel and unusual punishment
  • Susceptible to mistakes
  • Not a deterrent
  • Contrary to most mainstream religious beliefs

The death penalty is a gruesome means of punishment that has outlived its place in today’s jurisprudence.  Iranians still stone people to death in public; Saudi Arabians continue to practice beheading by the sword; and some jurisdictions within the United States use hydrogen cyanide gas to choke the defendant to death.

No matter what method is used, government killing of people is not humane.  No more than 150 years ago hanging, gutting, and quartering in the town square was abolished as a punishment in England.  The process of executing human beings has evolved over the centuries.  However, the final chapter is always the same – the defendant dies.   Does it make any difference how the government carries out this barbaric means of punishment?  It’s interesting to note that governments that practiced drawing and quartering as a means of punishment did not execute women in that manner.  Women were burned at the stake.

Iowa’s Governor Vilsack once said that Iowa has a death penalty – it’s the sentence of prison for the rest of an individual’s natural life on earth, without parole.  Iowa has over 600 lifers in the Corrections system today.  California has close to 700 inmates on death row, and California has executed 13 inmates in the past 30 years.

The growing number of inmates living on death row awaiting execution is another reason why this manner of punishment is beyond rationale.  It’s impractical to believe that all will die according to their sentence.  Some victims and victim advocates argue that the death penalty provides closure.  What it does cause is the grief of another family, one that is usually below the radar screen of public sympathy.

America needs a system of punishment that homicide victims’ families can rely upon to swiftly mete out justice, find closure, and prevent the financial and emotional strain of going through the frustrating appeals process associated with capital cases.  Society can offer better alternatives, and Iowa has it – committing “the defendant into the custody of the director of the Iowa department of corrections for the rest of the defendant’s life.”

Copyright © 2010 Fawkes-Lee & Ryan.  All rights reserved.

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A Must-Do for the Iowa Legislature

Supreme Court Associate Justice Kennedy identified “retribution, deterrence, incapacitation, and rehabilitation” as “the goals of penal sanctions that have been recognized as legitimate.”  Graham v. Floridahttp://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/09pdf/08-7412Modified.pdf

The majority opinion in Graham discovers that “juveniles are more capable of change than are adults, and their actions are less likely to be evidence of ‘irretrievably depraved character’ than are the actions of adults.”  Sentencing a juvenile to life in prison without the possibility of parole is counter conducive to all goals of penal sanctions.  Juveniles who commit serious crimes must be appropriately sentenced to pay for the consequences of their criminal activity, but, as Justice Kennedy cited from Roper and Thompson v. Oklahoma “’juvenile offenders cannot with reliability be classified among the worst offenders.’ A juvenile is not absolved of responsibility for his actions, but his transgression ‘is not as morally reprehensible as that of an adult.’”

The problem

The Iowa Legislature must conform to the holding in Graham.  “That for a juvenile offender who did not commit homicide the Eighth Amendment forbids the sentence of life without parole.” Justice Kennedy expounds:

There is a line “between homicide and other serious violent offenses against the individual.” Serious nonhomicide crimes “may be devastating in their harm . . . but ‘in terms of moral depravity and of the injury to the person and to the public,’ . . . they cannot be compared to murder in their ‘severity and irrevocability.’” This is because “life is over for the victim of the murderer,” but for the victim of even a very serious nonhomicide crime, “life . . . is not over and normally is not beyond repair.”

Iowa law provides for a life sentence under several circumstances.  The most obvious, murder in the first degree is punishable by life in prison without the possibility of parole. The Court has made it clear that certain sanctions must be removed from the options of a sentencing court in Iowa when applied to a juvenile defendant.  Those sanctions include:

  • Sexual assault in the first degree (“in the course of committing sexual abuse the person causes another serious injury.”
  • Second degree sexual assault is a life without parole sentence when the “person commits sexual abuse” and the victim “is under the age of twelve.”
  • Kidnapping “when the person kidnapped, as a consequence of the kidnapping, suffers serious injury, or is intentionally subjected to torture or sexual abuse”.
  • And section 902.14, pertaining to sexual abuse or lascivious acts with a child, which includes the following:  A person commits a class “A” felony if the person commits a second or subsequent offense involving any combination of the following offenses:
    • Sexual abuse in the second degree in violation of section 709.3.
    • Sexual abuse in the third degree in violation of section 709.4.
    • Lascivious acts with a child in violation of section 709.8, subsection 1 or 2.

Each of the first-tier bulleted crimes mentioned above carry with them a mandatory life sentence without the possibility of parole [“the court shall . . .  commit the defendant into the custody of the director of the Iowa department of corrections for the rest of the defendant’s life.”  That’s not an option for juvenile offenders any more under Graham.  “What the State must do is give defendants . . .  some meaningful opportunity to obtain release” The way Iowa Code is written now, there is no alternative but for the sentencing judge to strike down existing code as unconstitutional.  What happens after that is anyone’s guess.

The Court discusses several alternatives and schemes that might be used to get around its holding.  Justice Kennedy examines the arguments of the states’ brief (of which Iowa Attorney General Thomas Miller is one), and discredits each argument one-by-one.  So eloquently put, Justice Kennedy writes:

A categorical rule gives all juvenile nonhomicide offenders a chance to demonstrate maturity and reform.  The juvenile should not be deprived of the opportunity to achieve maturity of judgment and self-recognition of human worth and potential.  In Roper, that deprivation resulted from an execution that brought life to its end. Here, though by a different dynamic, the same concerns apply. Life in prison without the possibility of parole gives no chance for fulfillment outside prison walls, no chance for reconciliation with society, no hope.   Maturity can lead to that considered reflection which is the foundation for remorse, renewal, and rehabilitation. A young person who knows that he or she has no chance to leave prison before life’s end has little incentive to become a responsible individual.  In some prisons, moreover, the system itself becomes complicit in the lack of development. As noted above, it is the policy in some prisons to withhold counseling, education, and rehabilitation programs for those who are ineligible for parole consideration. A categorical rule against life without parole for juvenile nonhomicide offenders avoids the perverse consequence in which the lack of maturity that led to an offender’s crime is reinforced by the prison term.

Iowa has very little choice but to amend its laws in order to comply with Graham.  When the SCOTUS mentions states besides Florida as those that send juveniles to a lifetime of incarceration it mentions Iowa. What it doesn’t mention is that Iowa ranks third on a list of states that incarcerate juveniles for life for committing nonhomicide crimes.

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Medical Cannabis

Drugs come with side effects. There is no such thing as a perfect drug for everyone. Some people are highly sensitive or can be allergic to synthetic drugs. Pain relievers may take away the pain, but the nausea, dizziness, constipation and other side effects create a new set of problems. It can be a frustrating struggle for patients seeking quality of life as they deal with chronic pain, cancer and other health conditions. Every practical option should be made available to these patients.

Cannabis or marijuana is a desirable choice for some patients because of the drug’s side effects. It has the ability to increase the desire for food. Individuals going through chemotherapy for cancer that do not respond to synthetic anti-nausea medication may find the natural remedy a welcome alternative. Prior to the federal prohibition of marijuana in 1937, cannabis was routinely manufactured and distributed by respectable pharmaceutical firms. There was a clear medical need and use for it.

Demonizing marijuana was an amazingly successful political ploy by the United States’ first Drug Czar, Harry Anslinger. Testifying before Congress, Anslinger stated that marijuana use led to:

  • Murders
  • Sex Crimes
  • White women having sex with black men
  • Negroes, Hispanics, jazz musicians, entertainers abusing marijuana

Anslinger remained the drug czar for many years playing on people’s fears. It gave him job security. When racist remarks were no longer acceptable – socially or politically, marijuana was said to be the gateway drug to other drugs. Federally, it remains on the list of Schedule I drugs, which means it has no medical value. Anslinger’s campaign strategy of creating and manipulating the irrational fear of marijuana remains intact to this day—at least at the Federal level.

A number of States have looked rationally at the medicinal value of cannabis and realize that the federal government is incorrect. Americans suffering with medical conditions should be able to have marijuana as a potential choice for treatment. Since cannabis is a mood altering substance with the potential for abuse, it should be classified as a Schedule II drug.

Fawkes-Lee and Ryan believe:

  • Cannabis is a Schedule II drug
  • Manufacturing and distribution should be regulated
  • Cost should be reasonable and affordable
  • Medical use should be easily accessible

Copyright 2010 (c) Fawkes-Lee & Ryan.  All rights reserved.

Posted in Issues, Medical Cannabis | Tagged , , | 2 Comments