Parental Rights and Wrongs

Camreta v. Greene, involves parental rights as seen through the Fourth and Fourteenth Amendments.  Well, sort of.  That’s what the issue was at the district court level.  By the time it arrived in the Supreme Court it was a different matter.  Not only was the matter moot, but there was no case or controversy, a virtual requirement for any court to hear a matter.

Bob Camreta is a child protective services caseworker in central Oregon.  He heard through the rumor mill that a father had been sexually abusing his daughter.  Camreta, along with a county deputy sheriff, went to the elementary school where the 9-year-old girl was enrolled to interview her.  She denied that her father was abusing her, but after persistent questioning from Camreta (the time is disputed, but the court determined it was 2 hours), she finally acquiesced.  The interview occurred at the school without a warrant, probable cause, exigent circumstances, and without the permission of her parents.  Her father was charged eventually, but the charges were dropped after a jury could not come to a verdict.  Her mother filed suit against Camreta and the sheriff’s deputy, James Alford.

The Supreme Court doesn’t get into too many of the details because it focuses on the technical issues of precedent, whether the case is moot, and why it accepted it in the first place.  But the point remains, what the Court did will have an effect on the control of parents over their children when the government decides to get involved.

According to the background facts in the case below, “Camreta thought the school would be a good place for the interview because it is a place where children feel safe and would allow him ‘to conduct the interview away from the potential influence of suspects, including parents.’”  What didn’t occur to Camreta is that when you remove children from a classroom the other students want to know why. It’s embarrassing, it’s noticeable, and it causes emotional turmoil without the added pressure of being interviewed for two hours.

“Throughout the interview Camreta was accompanied by Deputy Sheriff Alford.”  Alford never participated in the interview and remained silent throughout the entire two hours.  His uniform included a visible firearm.  You have to wonder why he was there.  The facts in the case never reveal an answer to that question.  It’s bad enough to have your children interviewed by an unknown government representative who is asking questions about you as a parent, but to have a law enforcement officer present gives an added sense of danger, fear, and intimidation.  It’s evident in the remaining facts.

“Upon arriving at the school, Camreta told school officials that he and Alford were there to interview [the child] and requested use of a private office. Terry Friesen, a counselor at the elementary school, visited [the child] in her classroom and told the child that someone was there to talk with her. Friesen took [the girl] to the room where Camreta and Alford were waiting and left.”  Later, when telling her mother of the incident, the child “stated that she was “scared” when Friesen left her with Camreta and Alford, although she did not ask to call home, did not ask to have Friesen or her parents with her, and did not cry.”

Parents have a right to know about the qualifications of a teacher in a public school; they have a right to know about how a physician is treating their children; and they have a right to be informed by law enforcement if the child has allegedly committed a delinquent act.  Surely, parents have the right to be notified that a government official is talking to your child – about YOU!  But that’s not the way it is, according to the recent decision.

The federal district court granted summary judgment to Camreta and Alford as it pertained to the girl’s Fourth Amendment claims (the mother sued on behalf of her child).  The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed the district court’s summary judgment on the basis of the qualified immunity.  Here comes the strange part. Camreta and Alford are the prevailing parties to this suit, yet they appealed the Circuit Court’s decision to the United States Supreme Court.  Stranger yet, the SCOTUS granted certiorari (a writ whereby the High Court accepts to hear a case from a court below).

It’s unheard of for the winner in a lawsuit to appeal.  However, it has happened, as the Court pointed out in two cases.  But the successful parties who appealed in those two cases were appealing the judgments.  As Justice Kennedy explained in his dissent, a party may have been asking for $1,000 in damages and received only $500.  That can be appealed.  But in this case, the prevailing party is appealing what is known as dicta.  Dicta (the plural), or dictum, is not legally binding.  It’s just a writer’s (judge or justice) reasoning or editorializing.  Nonetheless, this is what got a few justices’ ire up.

The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals did exactly what it was supposed to do, and the SCOTUS agreed.  So why did it have to hear the moot case to decide that it didn’t like what the 9th Circuit did?  It’s not a case that is going to be plastered all over every daily newspaper in the county, but it’s so strange that even the strange Justice Antonin Scalia concurred in the opinion of the majority by saying: “I join the Court’s opinion, which reasonably applies our precedents, strange though they may be.”

In its opinion, the 9th Circuit didn’t stop at granting qualified immunity, it provided dictum that “government officials investigating allegations of child abuse should cease operating on the assumption that a “special need” automatically justifies dispensing with traditional Fourth Amendment protections” as it did in this case.

So, what does this mean?  I’m not an attorney, a law professor, or a government teacher, but I think it means that the Court wanted to take away the 9th Circuit’s hand-slapping it did to government officials who try to push the envelope right up to the ledge of qualified immunity.  Government officials can step over that edge, and they have.  In this case they didn’t.  The United States Supreme Court wanted to make sure that the finger pointing was taken away.  It’s sort of like a judge saying “the jury will disregard that comment.”

Meanwhile, Camreta will continue to improperly interview children.  Alford no longer works for the DeShultes County Sheriff’s Department.

Posted in Issues, Privacy | Tagged , , , , , , , , | 1 Comment

Criminal Courtesy

Last week, a deputy sheriff in Linn County was given citations for leaving the scene of an accident and failing to stop within the assured clear distance.  He wasn’t driving a patrol car; he was off duty at the time and was driving his Ford pickup truck.

Deputy James Crawford allegedly rear-ended a motorcycle at an intersection.  No one was hurt, but Crawford was gone when Marion police arrived at the scene.  Crawford is on paid administrative leave pending an “internal investigation”.  According to news accounts, the incident occurred at 6:45 p.m.  However, Crawford waited until later that evening to bring himself in to the Marion City police and face the consequences.

This suspicious behavior leaves some unanswered questions.  A law enforcement officer knows that leaving the scene of an accident is a crime.  It’s a simple misdemeanor, but it’s still a crime.  Was the deputy intoxicated?  What other reason could explain this odd conduct?

But what is stranger is the reaction of the Marion Chief of Police, Harry Daugherty.  Daugherty refused to comment because he said it would “taint Sheriff Brian Gardner’s internal investigation, because only a few people know the truth.”  Huh?  Sheriff Gardner is acting suspicious himself.  He said that it’s an “ongoing personnel matter”.  No, he’s incorrect.  It’s a criminal matter and should be treated as such.  Especially since Daugherty admitted that there is “some professional courtesy going on,” and that most of this “stuff would (normally) be released, but when it’s internal, it gets a little sticky.”  Really?

Fawkes-Lee & Ryan support civilian review boards (a.k.a. police review boards and a few other monikers).  When law enforcement officers act like this they don’t provide a lot of good argument for opposing review boards.  This is downright blatant.

Perhaps the time has come to make an exception to the exceptions in the public records statute, Chapter 22.  When a criminal matter (or potential criminal matter) and a personnel matter clash, the public should have the information available.  How can citizens take public safety seriously when a wink and nod supersedes the ethical behavior of those we rely upon to keep dangerous people off the roads?

© Copyright 2011. Fawkes-Lee & Ryan

Posted in Issues, Open Meetings/Public Records | Tagged , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Keep Your Fingerprints Off My Ice Cream

This week the Iowa House of Representatives passed a bill that would allow owners of ice cream trucks to conduct background checks on their potential employees.  The bill passed 96-0.

House File 696 is a legislative measure that began with an Iowa-based company that owns and manages a fleet of ice cream trucks in eastern Iowa.  The company wants to run federal background checks on potential employees, but the federal government prohibits fingerprint checks unless the state has included the specific occupation as one in which employers are able to receive the information from a single contact repository.  Under the proposed law, ice cream truck drivers could be equated to certain employees of a homemaker, home-health aide, home care aide, adult day services, or other provider of in-home services; particular employees of a hospice, many employees who provide direct services to consumers under a federal home and community-based services waiver; certain employees of an elder group home; and some employees of an assisted living program  The information received by the business accessing the single contact repository includes information relating to the following: Iowa criminal history, the sex offender registry, the child abuse registry, and the dependent adult abuse.

Fawkes-Lee & Ryan opposes House File 696 because it offers a false sense of security to parents and society.  The practice of relying upon background checks may have an adverse effect.  A background check on a potential employee or current employee should not be a substitute for parents paying attention to their children, and that is what this bill suggests.  It breeds complacency.

Like many laws that have been created in the past 10 to 20 years providing for background checks, it fails to identify first-time abusers.  But there are other reasons why this legislative proposal is terribly flawed.

HF 696 does not require a background check; it only provides that a business owner, vendor, contractor, etc. “may” require an employee to undergo such a process.  An owner/operator does not need to comply with the provisions of the law, and most vendors throughout Iowa will not.  One major flaw in this measure is the question of who pays for this background check.  The language is unclear.  There should be some indication of who pays the costs of the background check, and the burden should be on the hiring party.  Having to pay for a background check on yourself is adding insult to injury, especially if the rate of pay is minimum wage.  Really, how many people are willing to go through this intimidating process for the sake of a temporary, seasonal, minimum wage job?  If this is the best Iowa can do with creating jobs, we’re in bad economic shape.

Another fear that this legislation carries is that the ‘may’ could easily and eventually become a ‘shall’.  At that time it becomes another burdensome and needless regulation of government for small businesses in this state.

But equally important, the bill has nothing to do with government oversight, the committee from which it came.  Already, there are abuses of bills coming from the House Legislative Oversight Committee that should have been dealt with in more appropriate committees.  The practice of moving unrelated bills out of Government Oversight is a terrible precedent in Iowa’s legislative process.  If this practice grows to become another detour around the funnel deadlines, it will be abused heavily by certain special interests that fear taking a bill through the regular stages.

HF 696 is expected to die in the Senate.  We hope it does!

© Copyright 2011  Fawkes-Lee & Ryan.  All rights reserved.

Posted in Criminal Justice, Issues | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

Paying Attention

Twenty-one years ago this week, Florida executed Jesse Tafero in the electric chair.  The significance of this state-sanctioned murder is that it was a continuing example of what can go wrong and why change was needed.  Unfortunately, the change made was not the change needed.  Tafero was tortured as the electric chair malfunctioned three times.  Tafero was still alive as flames jumped from his head.  Florida eventually ceased using the electric chair and began executing defendants with lethal injection.  The method doesn’t determine what is and isn’t humane – the death itself is not humane; it’s barbaric.

Perhaps politicians are beginning to understand the gruesome practice for what it is.  There were no bills introduced this legislative session in Iowa that would have reinstated capital punishment.  The death penalty was supposed to be a defining issue in political races of the past.  It’s not now, and it never was.

Governor Tom Vilsack proved that opposition to the death penalty is not a weight around the neck when running for public office.  Senator Vilsack strongly opposed the death penalty, and offered to filibuster on the floor of the Iowa Senate in 1995 to prevent House File 2 from being enacted.  It wasn’t necessary; there were more than enough votes to defeat the measure that year.

However, years later Vilsack ran for governor and the issue was nothing more than a minor mention during the campaign.  He didn’t hide the fact that he was a strong opponent of capital punishment.  With that in mind, he went on to win two terms as governor.  During the time he was governor, everyone knew that pushing a death penalty bill through the Iowa Legislature was a futile effort because Vilsack promised to veto such a bill.

You know what?  Tom Vilsack never once said the word “veto” in the same sentence as “death penalty”.  I cautiously watched for eight years.  Never did Governor Vilsack promise to veto a death penalty bill.  He did say, however, that he wouldn’t sign a bill reinstating the death penalty.

Today, Iowans should be proud that we held back those efforts in 1995.  Since that year, several states have abolished the practice for a number of reasons.  It’s too expensive.  It is not administered justly.  It is inhumane!  It is discriminatory in practice, and evidence is emerging that indicates some people who have been executed may have been innocent.

I’m proud to live in a state that does not tinker with the machinery of death, as former Associate Justice Harry Blackmun called it.

© Copyright 2011  Fawkes-Lee & Ryan.  All rights reserved.

Posted in Death Penalty, Issues | Tagged , , , | 1 Comment

A Stunning Development

An electronic control device, better known as a stun gun – or Taser™, is a dangerous weapon.  The Iowa Department of Corrections has introduced a proposed rule that will allow sheriffs or detention facility administrators to use discretion in arming jailers with stun guns.  Changing the definition of what a weapon is or is not in an administrative rule does not change the fact that the Iowa Code defines an electronic control device as a dangerous weapon, “capable of inflicting death upon a human being.”

A federal district court in California came to the “conclusion that use of the X26 Taser and similar devices in dart mode constitutes an “intermediate, significant level of force that must be justified by the governmental interest involved,” The court pointed out that its holding “falls well within the national mainstream of the decisions which have examined the nature and quality of the intrusion posed by Tasers.”

Present language in the rule offers a vague description of how these weapons will be used.  The rule states that the weapons will have a “primary intended use”.  If there is a primary intended use then it must be argued that there will be a secondary intended use.  We hope not.  This is troublesome language, especially since the Code section in which this rule is designed to implement states that “[a] violation of a rule does not permit any civil action to recover damages against the state of Iowa, its departments, agents, or employees or any county, its agents or employees, or any city, its agents or employees.”  But what if it’s the department, an agent, employee or county, etc. that is the one that violates the rule?  Unfortunately for the detainee, the enabling statute covers only the possibility that an inmate will violate the rule.  The statute lacks protection for an detainee or inmate where a government body or government employee is the violator and is entitled to a qualified immunity defense.  “The doctrine of qualified immunity protects government officials from “liability for civil damages insofar as their conduct does not violate clearly established statutory or constitutional rights of which a reasonable person would have known.” If this rule is adopted, the burden of proof shifts to the offender who is quite likely the victim as a result of a rule violation in this instance.

We hope that the Department takes notice that the federal government has joined a suit in Franklin County, Ohio, to stop the misuse of stun guns in that county’s jail.  “Franklin County (home of the state’s capital – Columbus) jailers [used] the guns to shock naked and restrained prisoners and to punish inmates for routine rule violations.”  If misuse can happen in Ohio, it’s possible for misuse to happen in Iowa.  Granting discretion to sheriffs and facility administrators without requiring the need for training, and/or some sort of consequence, will lead to federal suits in Iowa.

In any case, the use of electronic control devices should not be allowed until personnel who intend to use it are trained in several areas.  The proposed rule is limited to giving a sheriff (or facility administrator) the discretion to allow staff to use the stun guns.  The rule addresses nothing about training or misuse of the weapons.  This is a bad idea that should be stricken from an otherwise decent rule.

© Copyright 2011 Fawkes-Lee & Ryan.  All rights reserved.

 

Posted in Criminal Justice, Issues | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

Advisory Or Enforcement?

Public records are public.  Government does not own them, but manages them.  However, it’s difficult to understand who owns these records by listening to government lobbyists at the Iowa Capitol.  It’s almost funny, and certainly shameful, to see several government representatives oppose a bill that expands the enforcement and oversight of government compliance with the two chapters of the Iowa Code that pertains to public records and open meetings.

A bill is moving through the legislative process (SF 430) that creates an enforcement board to ensure compliance with the open meetings/public records chapters – Chapter 21 & Chapter 22.  For years, there has been a back and forth argument between the Senate and House about whether the matter of compliance should be overseen by an advisory committee or an enforcement board.  The enforcement board appears to have won out.  But that’s not the end of the argument.  Lobbyists for political subdivisions of the state want an advisory committee, and they don’t seem to want to stop complaining until they get one.

The problem with an advisory committee is that it becomes another tentacle of state bureaucracy.  The committee is filled with wise people saying brilliant things, but in the end, it’s the staffing that makes all of the decisions.  This has been repeated far too many times.  In a word search of the Iowa Code the word “advisory” shows up 384 times.  The phrase “advisory board” shows up 180 times, and the phrase “advisory committee” appears 138 times.  Advisory bodies are a dime a dozen and seldom are they taken seriously.

The staff prepares the agenda with the chair’s help.  Staff does all the research, makes suggestions for recommendations, and performs most of the work before and after meetings.  The committee members show up and discuss matters for hours, often leaving with a lack of any accomplishment.  The attendance at so many of these types of meetings is poor, especially if there is very little to do but approve items that will be included in a report that no one notices – or reads.

The current situation is not the ideal setup for improving the expectations the public wants or needs as it pertains to open meetings/public records.  In most instances, the enforcement is provided by the county attorney, the top law enforcement official in each county.  The appearance of a conflict of interest is exposed each and every time a matter of a possible violation comes up in a political subdivision of the state.

There are 940 communities in Iowa.  There are 99 counties.  Each has its own legal counsel.  That means there are potentially 1,039 different opinions on issues involving public records and open meetings.  Enforcement, education, compilation of complaints, and compliance with the law needs to be centralized in one place.  The ongoing effort of the Citizens’ Aide/Ombudsman and Attorney General is admired, but it scatters these essential efforts and promotes duplication.  One body, speaking one language, is necessary to the perseverance and equal application of Iowa’s dedication to openness in government.

© Copyright 2011  Fawkes-Lee & Ryan.  All rights reserved.

Posted in Issues, Open Meetings/Public Records | Tagged , , , , , | 2 Comments